What is SJC Communication busy with?

31 Aug. Are you wondering what is happening at Bangalore’s St Joseph’s College Autonomous? Quite a lot! Probably, you just can’t complete reading.

So, let me restrict only to the Department of Communication:

Currently the Under Graduate (UG) students of Visual Communication (BVC) are busy preparing for their  annual national media fest: Allura! Mark your calendar: 5th & 6th September.The fest is full of fun and insight. The students have put their best foot forward. In preparation, they conducted a food fest – mostly overshadowed by the first years (though the seniors gave them a “run for their money”!)

Then the flash-mobs in the College and city-colleges. A lot more work on sponsoring and designing and printing. If you would see some of the promos they have created, you would understand what I mean! Crazy, in youth-lingo!

In between came Pratibha (the College, inter-class competition of talents), and the final year BVC retained the championship.

Then came the two-day Exodus by the CSA (Christian Student Association); it is over today. A massive initiative by students!

This week it is all the way Allura! We are waiting for some big Kannada film and TV stars, besides industry leaders.

Then on 19th September is CIME workshop. CIME is a UK-based Media NGO promoting ethics in media. On this World Media Ethics Day, our Bachelor of Vocation (B.Voc.) students will lead SJC as well as other college students and some industry into a meaningful discussion on Social Media, Data Security and Copy Right issues.

And then, on 27-28th November, the Post Graduate students of Mass Communication, will hold their annual national conference on globalisation and digitisation of media and challenges it faces. Hope to get some top national television personalities to grace the occasion. A lot more work is going on than I can say here.

Be with us. If you can, please do come!

The Times of India just instituted a bizarre Twitter and Facebook policy

HASHGAG

The Times of India just instituted a bizarre Twitter and Facebook policy

August 25, 2014

Hundreds of journalists working at the Times of India and its sister publications have received a peculiar request from their employer: hand over your Twitter and Facebook passwords and let us post for you.

Even after you leave the company.
Under a contract unveiled to employees last week, Bennett, Coleman and Company Ltd—India’s largest media  Continue reading

Don’t tweet stories from others, ‘The Hindu’ tells its reporters

The move is obviously aimed at ensuring they do not contribute to the traffic of these sites in any way

                                by  Vidhi Choudhary
The newspaper maintained that these guidelines were in line with international standards. New Delhi: In a note sent to its employees on Thursday, The Hindu urged its journalists to exercise restraint while tweeting or sharing news stories from other competing news publications, a move obviously aimed at ensuring they do not contribute to the  Continue reading

Chennai@175: Madras to Chennai – Evolution of media in the last 150 years

http://www.mxmindia.com/2014/08/chennai175-madras-to-chennai-evolution-of-media-in-the-last-150-years/

Chennai@175: Madras to Chennai – Evolution of media in the last 150 years

 

R V Rajan

By R V Rajan

 

The mass media as we understand today took roots with the establishment of print media in the  West during the 17th century., which offered opportunities to reach a large and dispersed audience simultaneously. It was the East India Company of the British Empire that brought this media to India and to Chennai.

 Evolution of Print Media

Newspaper publishing started in Chennai with the launch of a weekly, The Madras Courier, in 1785 Continue reading

Need for accountability, credibility in media – Chitra Subramaniam

 

http://epaper.indianexpress.com/c/3369338?fb_action_ids=10154484098375627&fb_action_types=og.comments

Goodbye DNA, Pune!

http://www.newslaundry.com/2014/08/19/shutters-down/

Modi sympathizers among India’s public intellectuals are penning columns oozing disappointment

By Diksha Madhok @dikshamadhok August 7, 2014

The honeymoon is truly over for prime minister Narendra Modi.
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The assessment about his government’s performance in the first 74 days in office, even among those seen as his supporters, is bleak.
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Over the last few weeks, a growing number of newspaper columns from well-known academics and public intellectuals have expressed disenchantment with the Narendra Modi government. Particularly notable are the ones penned by those who were seen as Modi’s most visible sympathisers during his election campaign.
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They believe Modi is starting to be seen as politically weak and indecisive as the previous prime minister. Most of their criticism centres around the government’s lacklustre Budget in July, India’s present WTO stance and Modi’s silence on key issues. Some fear status quo-loving bureaucrats are hijacking the government’s growth agenda.
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Such prominent Modi supporters as economist Arvind Panagariya and Firstpost.com editor R. Jagannathan have openly expressed their disappointment in the last month.
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Following are some of the recent columns by erstwhile Modi enthusiasts:
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Acche din, like old times by Pratap Bhanu Mehta
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Mehta is the president of Delhi-based thinktank Centre for Policy Research. In a recent column in the Indian Express newspaper, he argues that so far the current government’s performance has been ordinary and complacent.
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“Prime Minister Narendra Modi increasingly seems to be trapped in his own echo chamber. His government is fast confusing the trees for the forest and ignoring the sense of restlessness brewing outside its hallowed circles.”
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Mehta says that Modi had promised a new discourse on secularism but has hardly lived up to his pledge. BJP ministers such as Sanjeev Baliyan and Amit Shah have contributed to polarisation in Uttar Pradesh, and the prime minister has done little to defuse the communal situation, he argued.
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“But he [Modi] is acting like the Congress in two ways. He has failed to publicly draw clear red lines on what his party men can and cannot say, and inevitably, the worst in his party will shape the public narrative and induce fear … Former prime minister Manmohan Singh’s silences created the vacuum that anyone could fill. Can this prime minister name one action that sends a loud and clear message about what kind of conduct will not be tolerated? Has he used any incident to create a teachable moment?”
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Great Expectations by Bibek Debroy
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Debroy is a professor at Centre for Policy Research and is seen as a leading economist sympathetic to Modi and his work in Gujarat. In a column written for India Today magazine, he says that the NDA government already looks aged and jaded and is “nothing but same UPA regime with better implementation.”
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He writes: “Here is a government that came in with a lot of hope, riding a tide of high expectations, promising change. Ennui has already set in.”
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Debroy accuses the prime minister for alienating the public soon after his victory. This is puzzling, he says, because BJP election campaign was one of the more interactive ones that India has seen, especially on social media.
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“Why has the Government and the PM stopped talking? Is it arrogance, complacency, or abode in an alternate reality? Honeymoons don’t last indefinitely.”
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In the name of India, why? by Surjit Bhalla
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Bhalla is an economist and runs New Delhi-based asset management firm Oxus Investments. He was a vociferous critic of the Manmohan Singh government and a supporter of Modi’s policies. He has been disappointed with India’s decision to stall the trade facilitation pact at the WTO.
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“India is making itself a laughing stock in the eyes of the world community (perhaps it does not matter) by violating agreements it made just six months earlier when it made the WTO accept its unreasonable demands … given that Prime Minister Narendra Modi is widely believed, and correctly so, to be his own man, then why, in the name of god and India, is Modi-BJP pursuing an illogical and regressive stance at the WTO?”
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India has spurned the adoption of a treaty to standardise and streamline the rules for shipping goods across borders, having previously agreed to its terms at a conference in Bali last December. India has accused WTO of not understanding the concerns of the developing world and has demanded more freedom when it comes to food subsidies. WTO has already agreed to find a permanent solution to the issue by 2017 and has approved India’s demands for now. But Modi-led government wants a solution faster.
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India’s best hope is that the Budget due February 2015 chooses growth and jobs: Arvind Panagariya
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Panagriya is a professor of Indian political economy at Columbia University. He was widely rumoured to be a leading contender for the job of chief economic adviser in the Modi government. In a recent column he was rather uncharitable about Modi government’s budget. He was disappointed with the NDA’s ambiguous stand on retrospective taxation and finance minister Arun Jaitley’s hesitation in tackling “regressive” subsidies.
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He wrote in the Times of India newspaper: “The presidential address to Parliament on June 9, 2014 had focussed nearly exclusively on projects and schemes, eschewing policy. Therefore, many had eagerly awaited the budget speech for a policy vision of the new government. Unfortunately, it too left observers guessing on whether the government would tackle tough reforms or rely principally on better implementation.”
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Get things done or lose mandate: Why Modi’s power strategy is wrong: R Jagannathan
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The editor of news website Firstpost is an unflinching defender of Modi’s policies and actions, even going as far as to suggest that Modi’s silence is actually very good political strategy. Even he now believes that the prime minister has failed to project power and convey his stand on many issues.
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“In his 70 days in office, despite some interesting moves on the foreign policy front with neighbours, Modi has projected political weakness rather than strength—the exact opposite of why this country elected him in the first place.”
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Like the other columnists, Jagannathan also writes that the NDA is going the UPA way.
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“If Modi does not take stock and deal with issues head on, he is going to face the same fate that UPA-2 did—of squandering a positive mandate with little to show for it at the end of five years.”
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Now many are pinning hopes on the PM’s address to the nation on 15 August during Independence Day celebrations.
http://qz.com/246073/modi-sympathizers-among-indias-public-intellectuals-are-penning-columns-oozing-disappointment/ Continue reading

PROPAGANDA WARS: How real is the threat of love jihad?

PROPAGANDA WARS
How real is the threat of love jihad?
The RSS is attempting to convince Hindus in Western Uttar Pradesh that they face a great threat from love jihad. But many in the region have no idea what the phrase means.
Rohan Venkataramakrishnan ·

Is love jihad real? Are Muslim men actually being trained to woo impressionable Hindu women so that they can persuade them to convert to Islam?

The Rashtriya Swayamsevak Sangh has begun a campaign across Western Uttar Pradesh attempting to convince Hindus that recent incidents like the Muzaffarnagar riots and the alleged gangrape in Meerut were all sparked off by Muslim men on a mission to convert Hindu women. On Sunday, the RSS started a week-long campaign to counter so-called love jihad by ordering its cadres to tie rakhis on 10 lakh Hindus. “People will be urged to protect girls from love jihad,” the RSS regional pracharak Rajeshwar Singh was quoted as saying.

But whether it is in the southern states where the alleged phenomenon first emerged or in the UP villages where the practices is supposed to be rampant, there is little evidence for the existence of love jihad.

Before 2008, the term love jihad was not commonly used. By 2009, however, it begins to appear across Kerala and Karnataka. Also referred to as romeo jihad, the term started to show up in alarmist religious literature. At first, it was the Catholic Church pushing the theory that women were being conned into converting.

The Kerala Catholic Bishops Council claimed in 2009 that up to 4,500 women had been targeted in this way. This was followed up by the Hindu Janajagruti Samiti, which claimed that 30,000 women in Karnataka alone had already been converted.

A case study spread by the Hindu Janajagruti Samiti sought to explain exactly how the operation is carried out.

The document claims young Muslim men are trained in camps on the intricacies of love jihad and then sent out to ensnare Hindu women, “to finish off Hinduism once and for all by changing the demography of Kerala by ensuring that Hindu girls give birth to Muslim child”.

An elaborate process
It described an elaborate process by which men take on non-Muslim nicknames, wear red threads around their wrists and tilaks and then approach Hindu women to seduce them. The Hindu Janajagruti Samiti document even includes a hierarchy of targets based on caste, with varying cash rewards. Brahmins were most coveted because “the Muslims are aware that by destroying the priestly class they are more likely to uproot Hinduism”.

The term love jihad was given sudden legitimacy in the Kerala High Court in 2009, when Justice KT Sankaran asked the police to look into the matter. Authorities in both Kerala and Karnataka eventually denied that such a plan existed. But the fact that it was actually investigated gave a huge boost to the idea that love jihad might be a real strategy.

“It’s just a sociological fact that any woman who marries out of her caste is thrown out of her caste, so if a Nair woman marries an Ezahva man, she is thrown out, and a Hindu girl who decides to marry a Muslim is usually thrown out of her caste,” said J Devika, a historian and social critic from Thiruvananthapuram. “Nobody made it into a love jihad issue before.”

Once they had put a label on such relationships and given them a religious colour, though, fundamentalist organisations like the Sri Ram Sene continued to beat the same drum. Despite the authorities insisting that these fears had no basis, vigilance against love jihad became a crucial part of the rhetoric against the alleged Islamisation of Kerala and Karnataka. Soon, Sangh Parivar outfits in northern towns where Muslims are in significant numbers — like Muzaffarnagar and Saharanpur — started to use the same tactic.

Sarawa story
“What is love jihad? Maybe if you say it in Hindi, I could understand,” said Ram Niwas Paswan, an old farmer sitting in a shop in Sarawa in Western Uttar Pradesh. The store is just a few doors down from the house of a woman who, according to many espousing her cause, has become the victim of one form of love jihad.

The alleged Sarawa gangrape broke into the headlines two weeks ago after a 20-year-old from the village filed a First Information Report claiming she was duped into going to a madrasa, gangraped and forcibly converted to Islam. These allegations don’t amount to a straightforward case of love jihad, which involves women willingly going to the men. But it falls in the same category for the Sangh, which has chosen to fight for this woman’s cause and honour.

Navin Aggarwal — sitting in the same shop down the road from the house of the victim — has to explain what love jihad is to to his neighbours, Paswan and a young shop-tender named Naim Saif. Neither had heard the term before. He then explained his position on the matter. “There is no doubt that this phenomenon has come to India in some way, too many people are talking about it,” he said. “But who can tell you what someone’s motive is if they convert? Who am I to say what your motive is?”

Not everyone is so ambivalent.

Mohan Kumar Singh, the station house officer of the busy police station in Kharkhauda, where the Sarawa gangrape FIR was registered, dismissed it outright: “This is entirely the creation of you media people. No such thing happens.”

Down the road from the shop, the victim’s uncle insisted that it has to exist, because that’s what happened to his niece. “They say these men are trained to do these things, that they take them, brainwash them, convert them, and then sell them to countries abroad,” he said in a whisper, surrounded by policemen stationed outside his niece’s house to ensure her security. “Something like this only has happened here.”

Up another lane in Sarawa, Shakeel Ahmad, the brother of one of the accused in the case, also had to be told what the term means. “What? How can that be a thing?” he said. “In this day and age, can you tell me that someone is forcing me to change what is in my mind about God?”

The burden of tradition
But it is a Sangh-affiliated leader in Kharkhauda, eight kilometres away from Sarawa, who inadvertently sheds the most light on the subject. After nearly an hour explaining how crime has no religion, “even though all criminals do happen to come from one religion” and promising that his “save our sisters and daughters committee” is for everyone even though it has Hindu in its title, Ajay Tyagi moves on to questions of tradition.

“Look, I don’t know what they think of tradition, but we Hindus are different,” Tyagi said. “We don’t have the awareness to accept love marriages. Our tradition doesn’t allow it, and we uphold that.”

Indeed, the question is about different approaches to the personal freedoms: if you believe women have the right to choose who they marry, how could love jihad even be thought to exist? Except in cases that involve allegations of kidnapping, love jihad is no different from any other sort of controversial relationship – inter-gotra, inter-caste, homosexual. But here, inter-faith marriages involving Muslims have been presented as a deliberate, insidious plan to destroy Hinduism.

“It appears that when confronted with the phenomenon of conversion from Hinduism to Islam, especially by Hindu women, certain kind of Hindus lose their logical faculties,” writes historian Charu Gupta, about love jihad. “ The politics of cultural virginity is inevitably shadowed by a myth of innocence, combined with a ranting of violation, invasion, seduction and rape. [However] women, who were often perceived as victims by the Hindu communalists, may actually be actors and subjects in their own right by choosing elopements and conversions.”
http://scroll.in/article/674212/How-real-is-the-threat-of-love-jihad? Continue reading

TRAI issues recommendations on cross-media ownership Read more at: http://www.televisionpost.com/trai-tdsat/trai-issues-recommendations-on-cross-media-ownership/ | TelevisionPost.com

Television Post Team MUMBAI: The Telecom Regulatory Authority of India (TRAI) has come out with its recommendations on cross-media ownership. The recommendations cover a comprehensive definition for control, cross-media ownership, vertical integration and internal plurality. As per the sector regulator, the News and current affairs genre should be considered as the relevant genre in the product market for formulating cross-media ownership rules. TV and print should be considered as the relevant segments in the product market. For print, only daily newspapers should be considered. Once private FM channels are allowed to air news generated on their own they too will be up for review under the cross-media ownership rules. The relevant geographic market should be defined in terms of language and the state(s) in which that language is spoken in majority. A combination of reach and volume of consumption metrics should be used for computing market shares for the TV segment. For the print segment, using only the reach metric is sufficient. For calculating market shares in the TV segment, the GRP of a channel should be compared with the sum of the GRP ratings of all the channels in the relevant market. The market share of an entity would be the sum of the market shares of all the channels controlled by it. In the relevant market for the print segment, the market share of newspaper would be the circulation of that newspaper with the combined circulation of all newspapers in the relevant market. The market share of an entity would be the sum of the circulation of all the newspapers controlled by it. The HHI (Herfindahl Hirschman Index) be adopted to measure concentration in a media segment in a relevant market. Summary of Recommendations Defining Ownership and Control The Authority recommends that the following definition of control should be adopted for all issues concerning media ownership discussed in this paper: An entity (E1) is said to ‘Control’ another entity (E2) and the business decisions thereby taken, if E1, directly or indirectly through associate companies, subsidiaries and/or relatives: (a) Owns at least twenty per cent of total share capital of E2. In case of indirect shareholding by E1 in E2, the extent of ownership would be calculated using the multiplicative rule. For example, an entity who owns, say, 30% equity in Company A, which in turn owns 20% equity in Company B, then the entity’s indirect holding in Company B is calculated as 30% * 20%, which is 6%.; Or (b) exercises de jure control by means of: (i) having not less than fifty per cent of voting rights in E2; Or (ii) appointing more than fifty per cent of the members of the board of directors in E2; or (iii) controlling the management or affairs through decision-making in strategic affairs of E2 and appointment of key managerial personnel; Or (c) exercises de facto control by means of being a party to agreements, contracts and/or understandings, overtly or covertly drafted, whether legally binding or not, that enable the entity to control the business decisions taken in E2, in ways as mentioned in (b) (i) (ii) and (iii) above. For this purpose: (i) The definitions of ‘associate company’, ‘subsidiary’ and ‘relative’ are as given in the Companies Act 2013. (ii) An ‘entity’ means individuals, group of individuals, companies, firms, trusts, societies and undertakings. The Authority recommends that the following proviso be added to the definition of control as provided in the ‘Recommendations on Issues related to New DTH Licenses’ dated 23.07.2014:  “Provided that if E1 advances a loan to E2 that constitutes not less than – [51%] of the book value of the total assets of E2, E1 will be deemed to ‘control’ E2.” Cross-Media Ownership The Authority recommends that the News and Current Affairs genre is of utmost importance and direct relevance to the plurality and diversity of viewpoints and, hence, should be considered as the relevant genre in the product market for formulating cross-media ownership rules. The Authority recommends that television and print should be considered as the relevant segments in the product market. For print, only daily newspapers, including business and financial newspapers, should be considered. Once private radio channels are allowed to air news generated on their own and become significant in the relevant market, a review of the cross- media ownership rules should be undertaken. The Authority recommends that the relevant geographic market should be defined in terms of the language and the State(s) in which that language is spoken in majority. Thus the twelve relevant geographic markets would be as follows – (i) Assamese and Assam (meaning, Assamese newspapers read and Assamese television channels watched in Assam, and similarly henceforth); (ii) Bengali and West Bengal; (iii) English pan-India; (iv) Gujarati and Gujarat; (v) Hindi and Himachal Pradesh, Haryana, Delhi, Uttarakhand, Uttar Pradesh, Rajasthan, Madhya Pradesh, Chhattisgarh, Bihar, Jharkhand (these ten States together should be considered as a single market); (vi) Kannada and Karnataka; (vii) Malayalam and Kerala; (viii) Marathi and Maharashtra; (ix) Odia and Odisha; (x) Punjabi and Punjab; (xi) Tamil and Tamil Nadu; (xii) Telugu and Andhra Pradesh and Telangana; In this list, the other languages included in the Eighth Schedule of the Constitution, namely – Bodo, Dogri, Kashmiri, Konkani, Maithili, Manipuri, Nepali, Sanskrit, Santhali, Sindhi and Urdu, to be considered based on the growth of newspaper circulation and television viewership in these languages in the future. The Authority recommends that a combination of reach and volume of consumption metrics should be used for computing market shares for the television segment. For the print segment, using only the reach metric is sufficient. The Authority also recommends that for calculating market shares, in the relevant market for the television segment, the GRP of a channel* should be compared with the sum of the GRP ratings of all the channels* in the relevant market and the market share of an entity# would be the sum of the market shares of all the channels* controlled by it i.e. :  Market share of a channel = GRP of the channel*∑ GRP of all channels* in the relevant market  Market share of an entity# =∑ Market share of all channels* controlled by it (*In the television segment, apart from pure news channels, some regional markets are characterized by the presence of news-cum-entertainment channels, which broadcast news bulletins for only some parts of the day in 30-minute slots, amidst various entertainment programs. The GRP of only the news content aired on these news-cum-entertainment channels is taken into account so that they are comparable, for the purpose of analysis, with the pure news channels.) Similarly, in the relevant market for the print segment, the market share of a newspaper would be the circulation of that newspaper compared with the combined circulation of all newspapers in the relevant market, and the market share of an entity# would the sum of the circulation of all the newspapers controlled by it i.e.:  Market share of a newspaper = Circulation of the newspaper ∑ Circulation of all newspapers in the relevant market  Market share of an entity# = ∑ Market share of all newspapers controlled by it (# this entity may be a media entity itself, which is operating the television channel(s) and/or daily newspaper(s) in the relevant market or an entity which is controlling many media entities, which in turn are operating the television channel(s) and daily newspaper(s).) The Authority recommends that the Herfindahl Hirschman Index (HHI) be adopted to measure concentration in a media segment in a relevant market. The Authority recommends that a rule based on HHI be implemented i.e. if the television as well as newspaper markets are concentrated (HHI> 1800 in each), then, an entity contributing more than 1000 to the HHI of the television market, cannot contribute more than 1000 towards HHI in the newspaper market as well, and vice-versa. If it does so, it will have to dilute its control (as defined in paragraph 6.1 & 6.2 above) in one of the two segments. This rule applies only if the HHI thresholds are violated consecutively for two years. The Authority recommends that the cross-media ownership rules be reviewed three years after the announcement of the rules by the licensor and once every three years thereafter. The existing entities in the media sector which are in breach of the rules, should be given a maximum period of one year to comply with the rules. The Authority recommends that Mergers and Acquisitions (M&A) in the media sector will be permitted only to the extent that the rule based on HHI, as recommended in Para 6.10 above, is not breached. The Authority recommends the following list of reporting requirements for this section. These reports are to be made on an annual basis to the licensor and the regulator. A. Transparency Disclosures (to be placed in public domain) (i) Shareholding pattern of the entity (ii) Foreign direct investment pattern of the entity (iii) Interests, direct and indirect, of the entity in other entities engaged in media sector (iv) Interests of entities, direct and indirect, having shareholding beyond 5% in the media entity under consideration, in other media entities/companies (v) Shareholders Agreements, Loan Agreements and any other contract/ agreement (vi) Details of key executives and Board of Directors of the entity. (vii) Details of loans made by and to the entity (viii) For all channels registered as news channels with MIB – Registered language(s) of operation, actual language(s) of operation, time slots for news programs B. Reports to be submitted to the Licensor and regulator (confidential) (ix) Subscription and advertisement revenue of the entity/ company (x) Advertising rates (xi) Top ten advertisers for each media outlet of the entity. Changes in any of the parameters (i) to (vi) listed above must be reported to the licensor and regulator within thirty days of implementation of the change. Vertical Integration amongst Media Entities Based on an examination of the issues and analysis of the comments received in this exercise, the Authority reiterates its recommendations on vertical integration amongst broadcasters and DPOs as contained in its “Recommendations on Issues related to New DTH Licenses” dated July 23, 2014 and recommends early notification and implementation of the same. For ease of reference these are annexed at the end of these recommendations as Annex-3. Issues affecting Internal Plurality 6.15 Given that about six years have elapsed without any concrete action being taken by the Government, the Authority strongly recommends that its Recommendations of 12 November 2008 and 28 December 2012 may be implemented forthwith. These Recommendations inter alia specified: (a) the entities (political bodies, religious bodies, urban, local, panchayati raj, and other publicly funded bodies, and Central and State Government ministries, departments, companies, undertakings, joint ventures, and government-funded entities and affiliates) to be barred from entry into broadcasting and TV channel distribution sectors; (b) that in case permission to any such organisations have already been granted an appropriate exit route is to be provided; (c) that the arm’s length relationship between Prasar Bharati and the Government be further strengthened and that such measures should ensure functional independence and autonomy of Prasar Bharati ; and (d) that pending enactment of any new legislation on broadcasting, specified disqualifications for the entities in (a) above from entering into broadcasting and/or TV channel distribution activities should be implemented through executive decision by incorporating the disqualifications into Rules, Regulations and Guidelines as necessary. The Authority further recommends that even surrogates of the entities listed in paragraph 6.15 above should be barred from entry into broadcasting and TV channel distribution sectors. Given the inherent conflict of interest arising from practices such as “private treaties”, the Authority recommends that such practices be immediately proscribed through orders of the PCI or through statutory rules and regulations. This would cover all forms of treaties including (i) advertising in exchange for the equity of the company advertised; (ii) advertising in exchange for favourable coverage/ publicity; (iii) exclusive advertising rights in exchange for favourable coverage. The Authority recommends that in “advertorials” (for that matter any content which is paid for), a clear disclaimer should be mandated, to be printed in bold letters, stating that the succeeding content has been paid for. The Authority is absolutely clear that placing such a disclaimer in fine print will not suffice. The Authority recommends that such action on advertorials and other material which is paid for81 may be taken immediately. On “paid news”, in addition to the above, it is imperative that liability reposes in both parties to the transaction if it is tried to be passed off as news. For instance, if an MP/ MLA seeks favourable coverage in the media in exchange for payment, then if such coverage was given in the garb of “news”, responsibility would be that of both parties, not only of the politician. Again, on grounds of the inherent conflict of interest, the Authority recommends that ownership restrictions on corporates entering the media should be seriously considered by the Government and the regulator. This may entail restricting the amount of equity holding/ loans by a corporate in a media company, viz., to comply with provisions relating to control. The Authority recommends that editorial independence must be ensured through a regulatory framework as described in paragraph 5.73 (iii) above. With respect to the “media regulator”, the Authority recommends that: (a) Government should not regulate the media; (b) There should be a single regulatory authority for TV and print mediums; (c) The regulatory body should consist of eminent persons from different walks of life, including the media. It should be manned predominantly by eminent non-media persons; This covers promotional write-ups for a company, write-ups from publicists on individuals and favourable write-ups on politicians in exchange for payment. Here, control would have the same meaning as enunciated in paragraphs 2.13 and 2.14 of these Recommendations. (d) The appointments to the regulatory body should be done through a just, fair, transparent and impartial process; (e) The “media regulator” shall inter alia entertain complaints on “paid news”; “private treaties”; issues related to editorial independence; etc, investigate the complaints and shall have the power to impose and enforce an appropriate regime of penalties. The above recommendations, once implemented, will address the immediate objective of curbing unhealthy media practices. The Authority notes that there would still exist the need for a comprehensive evaluation of the legislative and legal framework in order to establish a robust institutional mechanism for the long term. The Authority, therefore, recommends that a Commission, perhaps headed by a retired Supreme Court Judge, be set up to comprehensively examine the various issues relating to the media, including the role and performance of various existing institutions, and the way forward. More than 5 years have elapsed since the Authority released its ‘Recommendations on Media Ownership’ on 25 February 2009. The situation has become graver. Clear time-lines may, therefore, be indicated to the Commission so appointed.

1800 in each), then, an entity contributing more than 1000 to the HHI of the television market, cannot contribute more than 1000 towards HHI in the newspaper market as well, and vice-versa. If it does so, it will have to dilute its control (as defined in paragraph 6.1 & 6.2 above) in one of the two segments. This rule applies only if the HHI thresholds are violated consecutively for two years. The Authority recommends that the cross-media ownership rules be reviewed three years after the announcement of the rules by the licensor and once every three years thereafter. The existing entities in the media sector which are in breach of the rules, should be given a maximum period of one year to comply with the rules. The Authority recommends that Mergers and Acquisitions (M&A) in the media sector will be permitted only to the extent that the rule based on HHI, as recommended in Para 6.10 above, is not breached. The Authority recommends the following list of reporting requirements for this section. These reports are to be made on an annual basis to the licensor and the regulator. A. Transparency Disclosures (to be placed in public domain) (i) Shareholding pattern of the entity (ii) Foreign direct investment pattern of the entity (iii) Interests, direct and indirect, of the entity in other entities engaged in media sector (iv) Interests of entities, direct and indirect, having shareholding beyond 5% in the media entity under consideration, in other media entities/companies (v) Shareholders Agreements, Loan Agreements and any other contract/ agreement (vi) Details of key executives and Board of Directors of the entity. (vii) Details of loans made by and to the entity (viii) For all channels registered as news channels with MIB – Registered language(s) of operation, actual language(s) of operation, time slots for news programs B. Reports to be submitted to the Licensor and regulator (confidential) (ix) Subscription and advertisement revenue of the entity/ company (x) Advertising rates (xi) Top ten advertisers for each media outlet of the entity. Changes in any of the parameters (i) to (vi) listed above must be reported to the licensor and regulator within thirty days of implementation of the change. Vertical Integration amongst Media Entities Based on an examination of the issues and analysis of the comments received in this exercise, the Authority reiterates its recommendations on vertical integration amongst broadcasters and DPOs as contained in its “Recommendations on Issues related to New DTH Licenses” dated July 23, 2014 and recommends early notification and implementation of the same. For ease of reference these are annexed at the end of these recommendations as Annex-3. Issues affecting Internal Plurality 6.15 Given that about six years have elapsed without any concrete action being taken by the Government, the Authority strongly recommends that its Recommendations of 12 November 2008 and 28 December 2012 may be implemented forthwith. These Recommendations inter alia specified: (a) the entities (political bodies, religious bodies, urban, local, panchayati raj, and other publicly funded bodies, and Central and State Government ministries, departments, companies, undertakings, joint ventures, and government-funded entities and affiliates) to be barred from entry into broadcasting and TV channel distribution sectors; (b) that in case permission to any such organisations have already been granted an appropriate exit route is to be provided; (c) that the arm’s length relationship between Prasar Bharati and the Government be further strengthened and that such measures should ensure functional independence and autonomy of Prasar Bharati ; and (d) that pending enactment of any new legislation on broadcasting, specified disqualifications for the entities in (a) above from entering into broadcasting and/or TV channel distribution activities should be implemented through executive decision by incorporating the disqualifications into Rules, Regulations and Guidelines as necessary. The Authority further recommends that even surrogates of the entities listed in paragraph 6.15 above should be barred from entry into broadcasting and TV channel distribution sectors. Given the inherent conflict of interest arising from practices such as “private treaties”, the Authority recommends that such practices be immediately proscribed through orders of the PCI or through statutory rules and regulations. This would cover all forms of treaties including (i) advertising in exchange for the equity of the company advertised; (ii) advertising in exchange for favourable coverage/ publicity; (iii) exclusive advertising rights in exchange for favourable coverage. The Authority recommends that in “advertorials” (for that matter any content which is paid for), a clear disclaimer should be mandated, to be printed in bold letters, stating that the succeeding content has been paid for. The Authority is absolutely clear that placing such a disclaimer in fine print will not suffice. The Authority recommends that such action on advertorials and other material which is paid for81 may be taken immediately. On “paid news”, in addition to the above, it is imperative that liability reposes in both parties to the transaction if it is tried to be passed off as news. For instance, if an MP/ MLA seeks favourable coverage in the media in exchange for payment, then if such coverage was given in the garb of “news”, responsibility would be that of both parties, not only of the politician. Again, on grounds of the inherent conflict of interest, the Authority recommends that ownership restrictions on corporates entering the media should be seriously considered by the Government and the regulator. This may entail restricting the amount of equity holding/ loans by a corporate in a media company, viz., to comply with provisions relating to control. The Authority recommends that editorial independence must be ensured through a regulatory framework as described in paragraph 5.73 (iii) above. With respect to the “media regulator”, the Authority recommends that: (a) Government should not regulate the media; (b) There should be a single regulatory authority for TV and print mediums; (c) The regulatory body should consist of eminent persons from different walks of life, including the media. It should be manned predominantly by eminent non-media persons; This covers promotional write-ups for a company, write-ups from publicists on individuals and favourable write-ups on politicians in exchange for payment. Here, control would have the same meaning as enunciated in paragraphs 2.13 and 2.14 of these Recommendations. (d) The appointments to the regulatory body should be done through a just, fair, transparent and impartial process; (e) The “media regulator” shall inter alia entertain complaints on “paid news”; “private treaties”; issues related to editorial independence; etc, investigate the complaints and shall have the power to impose and enforce an appropriate regime of penalties. The above recommendations, once implemented, will address the immediate objective of curbing unhealthy media practices. The Authority notes that there would still exist the need for a comprehensive evaluation of the legislative and legal framework in order to establish a robust institutional mechanism for the long term. The Authority, therefore, recommends that a Commission, perhaps headed by a retired Supreme Court Judge, be set up to comprehensively examine the various issues relating to the media, including the role and performance of various existing institutions, and the way forward. More than 5 years have elapsed since the Authority released its ‘Recommendations on Media Ownership’ on 25 February 2009. The situation has become graver. Clear time-lines may, therefore, be indicated to the Commission so appointed. Read more at: http://www.televisionpost.com/trai-tdsat/trai-issues-recommendations-on-cross-media-ownership/ | TelevisionPost.com” title=”Cross Media Ownership Guidelines by TRAI” target=”_blank”>http://www.televisionpost.com/trai-tdsat/trai-issues-recommendations-on-cross-media-ownership/ Continue reading

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