Posted by: RR | 11 July 2009

Rogue journalism of Rupert Murdoch

Rogue journalism

British tabloids have a reputation for crude, even boorish, news-gathering methods that see them routinely hauled up before the courts. In 2006, the Information Commissioner named more than 300 journalists who had illegally obtained material for their stories. Even so The Guardian’s investigation into how individuals working for the News of the World — the largest-selling daily in the United Kingdom and regarded as one of the jewels of Rupert Murdoch’s media empire — used “criminal methods” to get information has shocked people, including those who have had prolonged experience of redtop horrors. There was a wholesale violation of privacy and data protection laws with journalists hiring private detectives to hack into mobile phone messages of “thousands” of people, including prominent politicians and celebrities, to gain unlawful access to confidential personal data. And when caught out, the newspaper reportedly paid out more than £1 million in damages to at least three victims on condition they signed a “gagging clause.” According to The Guardian, many celebrities and public figures “who believe they may have been victims of phone hacking have been consulting lawyers over possible actions against the News of the World.” At a time when public interest in the Fourth Estate is low, the developing scandal will only reinforce perceptions of media dangerously out of control.

Mr. Murdoch and his company have denied any knowledge of the dirty tricks and the payments, suggesting that it was a case of “rogue operators” acting on their own. Given the scale of the operation, however, many independent observers find it inconceivable that senior NoW executives would not have known anything. For the Tories, the scandal has acquired an awkward political tinge: the party leader David Cameron’s Director of Communications, Andy Coulson, is a former NoW Editor. He was forced to resign in 2007 when one of his reporters, Clive Goodman, was jailed for hacking into the mobile phones of three royal staff. Many of the “illegal acts” exposed by The Guardian took place when he was still working for the NoW. Surprisingly, police have ruled out an investigation on the ground that no fresh evidence has surfaced after the Goodman prosecution. But in a significant intervention, the Crown Prosecution Service has decided to review new evidence. There will also be two other separate inquiries — one by a parliamentary committee, another by the Press Complaints Commission. Independent of the legal outcomes, restoring public trust in British tabloid journalism will now be extremely difficult.

http://www.hindu.com/2009/07/11/stories/2009071152550800.htm

Posted by: RR | 11 July 2009

Murdoch tabloid under police investigation

Murdoch tabloid under police investigation Hasan Suroor

LONDON: Media magnate Rupert Murdoch, owner of Star TV, was at the centre of a growing scandal after it was reported on Thursday, that one of his leading British tabloids, the News of the World, had been involved in “criminal methods” to get stories.

Police launched an investigation into claims in a front-page splash in The Guardian that the News of the World hired detectives who hacked into mobile phone messages of “thousands” of prominent figures, including politicians and celebrities, to gain unlawful access to confidential personal data.

Andrew Neill, a former editor of The Sunday Times and one-time close associate of Mr. Murdoch, described it as one of the “most significant media stories of modern times.” Those targeted included London Mayor Boris Johnson, former Deputy Prime Minister John Prescott and actor Gwyneth Paltrow. Mr. Murdoch’s News Group, publisher of the News of the World, reportedly paid out more than £1 million to settle legal cases that threatened to expose evidence of its journalists’ “repeated involvement in the use of criminal methods” to obtain stories.

However, Mr. Murdoch, who also owns The Times, The Sunday Times and the Sun, denied any knowledge saying: “If that had happened I would know about it.”

The News International, the parent company of News Group, said it was “inappropriate to comment at this time.” The scandal threatened to acquire a political complexion as a former editor of the News of the World, Andy Coulson, is now the Tory leader David Cameron’s Director of Communications.

Mr. Coulson was forced to quit the News of the World in 2007 after one of his reporters, Clive Goodman, was jailed for hacking into the mobile phones of three royal staff members.

Details in The Guardian report emerged during a court case involving Professional Footballers’ Association head Gordon Taylor and the News Group. He sued the Group after a private investigator Glenn Mulcaire who worked for it admitted to hacking into phones of a number of people.

Mr. Taylor received £700,000 in damages but on condition that he signed a “gagging clause” to prevent him speaking about the case.

Courtsey: The Hindu, 10 July 2009

Posted by: RR | 11 July 2009

SARANG 107.8 FM Test Transmission

1. http://mangalorean.com/news.php?newstype=local&newsid=134434

2. http://www.daijiworld.com/news/news_disp.asp?n_id=62440&n_tit=St+Aloysius%27+Community+Radio+SARANG+107.8FM+Starts+Test+Broadcast

St Aloysius’ Community Radio SARANG 107.8FM Starts Test Broadcast
Media Release by by Fr Richard Rego

Mangalore, Jul 10: SARANG 107.8 – St Aloysius College (Mangalore) CRS started its test transmission on 24 June. After completing all its formalities, SARANG was waiting to go on air – WOL pending, which came in the last week of June.

To begin with, SARANG Community Radio Station (CRS) has been test-broadcasting for two hours every day, from 6 to 8pm. But gradually it will increase the  broadcast time.

The SARANG 107.8FM signals are received over 20-25 km radius and cover large agricultural, fisher folk, and daily wage earners’ communities, besides huge student population. Broadcasts include programmes on health and hygiene, farmers and agricultural issues, issues related to fisherfolk, children, and youth and students.

There has been a cordial reception to the SARANG CRS – community people eagerly coming forward to air their day to day life – problems and issues, folk elements and and joys and sorrows.

The St Aloysius College Community Radio broadcasts in four different languages – Konkani, Tulu, Kannada and English. Beary language (mother tongue of local Muslim community) programmes also have been tried, though not on a regular basis. While Konkani, Tulu, and Beary languages are major languages of the local communities, Kannada and English happen to be languages of formal communication.

A formal launch of SARANG 107.8 is planned for after the monsoon season passes by. SARANG means the beautiful arrangement of colours symbolising harmonious living of many social, religious, linguiustic communities. SARANG is a musical instrument and a raga. It represents the national bird peacock, and also a spotted deer. In short, SARANG stands for St Aloysius RAdio, maNGalore. SARANG 107.8FM is a gift of St Aloysius College to the local communities; an earnest attempt to build bridges with the local population, a platform for their voices and concerns.

CEMCA (New Delhi) played a major role in securing the WOL.”

(from www.daijiworld.com)

Posted by: RR | 10 July 2009

My Days With Radio

10 July. Radio could not have been more exciting and interesting. After all the hard work and the preoccupations, it feels worth it! SARANG 107.8FM.

We got our permission to set up the Community Radio Station, the frequency and siting clearance, GOPA signed, the last minute technical error corrected (raising the tower height), and finally even the WOL (wireless operators license) is done! What a sigh of relief! The miracle of St Aloysius College Community Radio has taken place.

These are the basics. Without these you just can’t operate a radio station. But if there is not much of software, things could go awfully wrong. That is where Team MCMS has filled in the shoes! Of program producers and publicity managers/ executors. Along with Mr Praveen (our program producer) and Sr Celine, they have been walking that extra mile, everyday! Their enthusiasm is simply too contagious. And to have our teaching staff Ms Anjana, Mr Thafleel, & Mr Vivek to chip in! Just’s great.

The UG students (specially our Journalism students) are a volcano of talents – just anytime ready to open up! Probably, the next few weeks are going to be theirs! Talents unlimited, talents unleashed! When I witness this tremendous zeal and enthusiasm, I just don’t know where my fatigue disappears!

Posted by: RR | 10 July 2009

Airwaves As Public Property

[Here is the famous Supreme Court of India's judgement that led to establishing Prasar Bharti Corporation for the autonomous functioning of All India Radio and Doordarshan. Later, the Community Radio movement followed - all in the spirit of 'airwaves as public property'.  What is the effect of this judgement - has it succeeded in what it was supposed to do? While the landmark judgement has done much good, more is to be expected, more is to be materialised.-RR.]

The airwaves as a public good: Review of a landmark judgment

Compiled by Siddharth Narrain

The judgment in The Secretary, Ministry of Information and Broadcasting v Cricket Association of Bengal (CAB) articulated the important principle that the broadcasting media should be under the control of the public as distinct from government

Introduction

The background facts that led to the landmark 1995 judgment of the Supreme Court of India on the airwaves relate to a dispute between the Ministry of Information and Broadcasting and the Cricket Association of Bengal (CAB) over whether or not the cricket organisation had the right to grant exclusive telecast rights to a private agency rather than to Doordarshan. In responding to the dispute over the facts of the case, courts at various levels had to examine the larger issue of whether or not the government or government-related agencies like Doordarshan could enjoy a monopoly over the creation of terrestrial signals and sole discretion over telecasting or not telecasting them.

This dispute occurred in the context of the early days of economic liberalisation, which saw the entry of private media into an arena that had till then been monopolised by State-owned media like All India Radio and Doordarshan. At stake were also notions of what constitutes the public sphere and which agency could be said to represent the widest section of the public in India. The claims made by Doordarshan in this case, for instance, were clearly premised on the fact that they had the largest reach in terms of audience and, therefore, had a valid claim for a monopoly as far as broadcasting was concerned.

Judges: P B Sawant, S Mohan, B P Jeevan Reddy

Citation: AIR 1996 SC 1236

Facts: On March 15, 1993, the Cricket Association of Bengal (CAB) wrote a letter to the Director General of Doordarshan (DD) saying that a Six-Nation International Cricket Tournament would be held in November 1993 as a part of its Diamond Jubilee Celebrations.  CAB asked DD to send a detailed offer for any of two alternatives:

(i) DD would create ‘Host Broadcaster Signal’ and also undertake live telecast of all the matches in the tournament, or

(ii) Any other party would create the ‘Host Broadcaster Signal’ and DD would only purchase the rights to telecast in India

CAB emphasised in particular that, in either case, the foreign TV rights would remain with the cricket body. CAB also asked DD to indicate the royalty amount the latter would pay. On March 18, the Controller of Programmes (Sports), DD, replied to the letter stating amongst other things that, during the meeting and during the telephonic conversation, CAB’s president, Jagmohan Dalmiya, had agreed to send in writing the amount expected as rights fee payable to CAB exclusively for India, without Star TV getting it. On March 19, CAB informed DD that they would be agreeable to DD creating the Host Broadcaster Signal and also granting DD exclusive right for India, without Star TV getting it, and that the CAB would charge DD US $800,000 for the same. However, CAB made it clear that they would reserve the right to sell/license the right worldwide, excluding India and Star TV. CAB also stated that DD would be under an obligation to provide pictures and commentary subject to payment of DD’s technical fees.

On March 31, DD sent its bid as ‘Host Broadcaster’ for a sum of Rs 1 crore, stating that CAB should grant signals to it exclusively for India without Star TV getting it. DD also stated that they would be in a position to create the ‘Host Broadcaster Signal’ and offer a live telecast of all the matches in the tournament.

Thereafter, on May 4, 1993, DD sent a fax message reminding the CAB president about its offer made at the end of March. CAB replied on May 12 that as CAB’s committee had decided to sell/allot worldwide TV rights to one party only, CAB wished to know whether DD would be interested in the deal. If so, they were to send their offer for worldwide TV rights by May 17 at the latest. The basis of the deal would be outright purchase of TV rights and sharing of rights fee.

On May 14, DD stated in a fax addressed to CAB that it was committed to its earlier bid of Rs 1 crore for exclusive TV rights in India alone. DD also stated that since there was speculation that Pakistan may not participate in the tournament – a situation that may affect viewership and consequent commercial accruals – DD may have to rethink the earlier bid in such an eventuality. It requested CAB to reply to the letter at the earliest.

On June 14, 1993, without obtaining the required clearances from the government for telecasting, CAB entered into an agreement with the World Production Establishment (WPE), representing the interests of Trans World International (TWI), for telecast rights to all the matches. The agreement provided for the grant of sole and exclusive rights to sell/licence or otherwise exploit throughout the world ‘Exhibition Rights’ in the tournament. CAB only retained radio rights for the territory of India.

Under the agreement CAB was to receive not less than US $550,000 as a guaranteed sum. If income from the rights fee exceeded the guaranteed amount, it could be wholly retained by WPE until it was eventually split into 70:30 per cent as per the agreement. If the rights fee/income received was less than guaranteed sum, WPE was to pay the difference to CAB. WPE was to pay the television licence fee in advance of the start of the tournament, where possible.

On June 18, DD sent a fax to CAB stating that it had learnt from press reports that CAB had entered into an agreement with TWI for TV coverage of the tournament, and DD had decided not to telecast the matches if it involved paying TWI. DD further stated that it was not prepared to enter into any negotiations with TWI to obtain television rights for the event.

On September 2, 1993 the Department of Youth Affairs and Sports, Ministry of Human Resources Development, addressed a letter to CAB informing it that the government had no objection to the proposed visit of the cricket teams of Pakistan, South Africa, Sri Lanka, West Indies and Zimbabwe for participation in the tournament. The department further stated that no foreign national could visit any restricted/protected/prohibited area of India without permission from the Ministry of Home Affairs. It was also clarified that the sanction of foreign exchange was subject to the condition that CAB would utilise only the minimum foreign exchange required for the purpose and would deposit foreign exchange obtained by it by way of fee, sponsorship, advertisements, broadcasting rights, etc, through normal banking channels under intimation to the Reserve Bank of India.

With respect to CAB’s application to VSNL of September 7, CAB was advised to approach the respective ministries, as well as the Telecom Commission, for (a) approval of import of earth station and transmission equipment, and (b) frequency clearance from the Telecom Commission. VSNL also said the satellite to be used for the coverage and transmission was to be specified. It further stated that CAB should approach VSNL for uplinking signals to INTELSAT at Washington. TWI was advised to apply to VSNL for the necessary coordination channels and the DD phone facility covering each location.

On October 9, 1993 TWI wrote to VSNL seeking frequency clearance from the Ministry of Communications. TWI informed VSNL that they would be covering the tournament and that they were formally applying for permission to uplink their signal according to the list attached to the letter. They also sought frequency clearance for walkie-talkie sets.

On October 13, the Ministry of Home Affairs informed CAB that it had ‘no objection’ to the filming of the cricket matches at any of the places mentioned in CAB’s letter and that the ‘no objection’ pertains only to the filming of the matches on the cricket grounds. The ministry also gave its ‘no objection’ to the use of walkie-talkie sets to be used in the playgrounds during the matches, subject to permission from WPC.

On October 18, CAB addressed a letter to DD regarding rights for telecasting matches, mentioning that DD’s earlier offer of Rs 10 million via its fax message dated March 31, specifying that CAB should not grant any right to Star TV, was uneconomical. Considering the enormous organisational cost, they said, they were looking for a minimum offer of Rs 20 million. CAB also pointed out that the offers received from abroad, including from TWI, were much higher than Rs 20 million and that those payments would be in foreign exchange. CAB also stated that since they were given to understand that DD was not interested in increasing the offer, they had entered into a contract with TWI for telecast of the matches. However, they were still keen that DD should come forward to telecast the matches since many people in India would otherwise be deprived of viewing the tournament. Accordingly, they had made TWI agree to co-production with DD and they were also appealing to DD to enter into such a co-production.

CAB’s letter further stated that the details were worked out during a joint meeting, including the supply of lists of equipment by the respective parties, and that it was decided in principle to go for a joint production. CAB stated that it was also agreed that DD would not claim exclusive rights and that CAB would be at liberty to sell the rights to Star TV. Thereafter CAB learnt from newspaper reports that DD had decided not to telecast the matches. That is why they had written a letter to DD on September 15 seeking to confirm the authenticity of the news, but they had not received any reply from DD. Meanwhile they had been repeatedly approached by Star TV, Sky TV and other networks seeking permission to telecast matches to the Indian audience, some of them wanting permission on an exclusive basis. But CAB had not taken a decision on those offers since they did not want to deprive DD’s viewers of the opportunity to see the tournament.

CAB mentioned that they had also learnt that DD would be interested in acquiring telecast rights provided it was allowed to produce the matches directly, and the matches produced by TWI were made available to it live, without payment of any technical fees.

According to CAB, on the basis of the above developments, they had come up with fresh set of proposals, the gist of which was as follows:

1. TWI and Doordarshan would cover 9 matches each in the tournament independently

2. TWI would cover the matches with their own equipment, crew and commentators. Similarly, Doordarshan would also have their own crew, equipment and commentators for the matches produced by them.

3. Doordarshan would be at liberty to use their own commentators for matches produced by TWI for telecast in India. Similarly, TWI may also use their own commentators if they televised matches produced by Doordarshan in other networks.

4. TWI would allow Doordarshan to pick up the signal and telecast live within India, free of charge. Similarly, Doordarshan would allow TWI to have the signal for live/recorded/highlights telecast abroad, free of charge.

5. Doordarshan would not pay access fees to CAB, but would allow 4 minutes advertising time per hour (ie, 28 minutes in 7 hours). CAB would be at liberty to sell time slots to advertisers and keep the proceeds received through such sales.

6. A contract would be entered upon by CAB and Doordarshan directly for the above arrangements. TWI would give a written undertaking about the coverage breakup as mentioned in point 1.

7. The score card and graphics would be arranged by CAB and the expenses for production or income derived from sponsorships would be in CAB’s account. Both TWI and Doordarshan would use score cards and graphics arranged by CAB.

CAB requested DD to communicate their final decision in the matter before October 21.

On October 26, VSNL sent a communication to INTELSAT at Washington seeking information on uplinking timings for the TV transmission requested by CAB/TWI. On October 27, the Telecommunications Department sent a letter to the Central Board of Excise and Customs on the question of temporarily importing the electronic production equipment required for transmission of one-day matches.

Communications to the proposal, subject to the organisers coordinating with WTC (DoT) for frequency clearance, from the “Standing Advisory Committee on Frequency Allocation (SACFA)”, for TV up-linking from different places and coordinating with VSNL, Bombay for booking TV transponders.

On October 27, DD informed CAB that the terms and conditions of its renewed offer of October 18 were not acceptable and that DD had already intimated to CAB that they would not take signals from TWI, a foreign organisation. They also made it clear that they had not agreed to any joint production with TWI.

On October 29, CAB replied to DD that they were surprised at the outright rejection of the various alternative proposals they had submitted. They pointed out that the only reason given for rejection seemed to be that DD would not take signals from TWI because it was a foreign organisation. Since they had also suggested production of live matches by DD the question of taking signals from TWI did not arise. CAB further stated that, purely in deference to DD’s sensitivity about taking signals from TWI, CAB would be quite happy to allow DD to produce its own footage of matches and that DD may like to buy rights and licenses from CAB at “a price which will be mutually agreed upon, and that these rights would be on nonexclusive basis on Indian territory.”

On October 30, DD sent a message to CAB stating that they would not pay access fees to telecast the matches. Instead, for DD to telecast the matches live, CAB had to pay technical charges/production fee at Rs 5 lakh per match. In such a case DD would have exclusive rights for the signal generated and the parties interested in taking the signals would have to negotiate directly with DD. DD sent a fax message to CAB to the same effect on October 31.

On November 1, 1993, VSNL deputed its engineers/staff to be at the venues where the matches were being played to coordinate with TWI for TV coverage.

On November 2, TWI paid US $29,640 to VSNL as fees for INTELSAT charges. On the same day, the Finance Ministry permitted TWI’s equipment to be imported on certain conditions by waiving the customs and additional duties of customs.

On November 4, CAB addressed a letter to DD referring to the latter’s fax message of October 31, asking for certain clarifications on the offer made by DD. In this letter CAB stated that since DD had asked for fees for the production and telecast of matches, it was presumed that all revenue generated from the matches, or the entire time slot for advertisements, would belong to CAB and that they would have the right to charge access fees, including other charges from parties abroad, and DD would telecast those matches for which CAB will pay the charges. The choice of the matches to be telecast by DD would be determined by CAB.

On November 5, DD rejected the above terms.

On November 8, CAB filed a writ petition in the Calcutta High Court praying, among others, that the respondents should be directed to provide telecast and broadcast of all the matches and also provide all arrangements and facilities for telecasting and broadcasting of the matches by the agency appointed by the CAB, TWI. Interim relief was also sought.

On the same day, the high court directed the advocate of the Union of India to obtain instructions in the matter and, meanwhile, passed interim orders making it clear that they would not prevent DD from telecasting any match without affecting the existing arrangements between CAB and TWI. The writ petition was posted for further hearing on November 9.  On that day the single judge confirmed the interim orders passed the previous day and the respondents were restrained from interfering with the frequency lines given to respondents.

On November 10, VSNL contacted INTELSAT at Washington seeking cancellation of its request for booking. On November 11, the judge partly allowed the writ by directing All India Radio to broadcast matches. On November 12, in the appeal filed by the Union of India against the aforesaid orders of the Division Bench, the high court passed an interim order to the following effect:

(a) CAB would pay DD a sum of Rs 5 lakh per match and the revenue collected by DD from sponsorships would be kept in a separate account

(b) DD would be the host broadcaster

(c) The Ministry of Telecommunication would consider the question of issuing a licence to TWI under the Telegraphs Act and decide on it within three days

On November 12, the Film Facilities Officer of the Ministry of Information and Broadcasting informed the Customs Department at New Delhi, Bombay and Calcutta airports that, since TWI had not obtained the required clearances from the government for coverage of the tournament, they should not be permitted to take exposed film out of India till it was cleared by the government.

On the same day, DD asked CAB to provide various facilities at each match venue as this was a prerequisite for creating host broadcaster signals in India. CAB sent an immediate reply calling upon DD to telecast matches within India pursuant to the high court’s order. Also on the same day the Collector of Customs, Bombay called upon CAB to pay customs duty on the equipment as there was a breach in the terms of the exemption order.

On the same day – ie, November 12 – the Committee of Secretaries decided that the telecast of all sporting events would be within the exclusive purview of the DD/MIB. It was also decided that for the purposes of obtaining necessary clearances for telecasting different types of events for the country, a single window service would be followed where the concerned administrative ministry would be the ‘nodal’ ministry (NM) to which the application would be submitted. It would thereafter be the function of the nodal ministry to obtain permissions from all the concerned ministries/agencies.

On November 14, the high court, clarifying its order of November 12, directed (among others) as follows:

[a] In case the signal is required to be generated by TWI separately, necessary permission should be given by DD and/or other competent authorities.

[b] Differences with regard to the placement of cameras, etc., if any, between the cricket authority and DD should be mutually worked out and, if this was not possible, the dispute should be decided by the head of the police in the place where the match was being played.

[c] TWI’s equipment, which had been seized by the Customs authorities, should be released upon an undertaking that the same would not be used for any other purpose.

[d] VSNL should take proper steps for uplinking, and should not take any steps to defeat the orders of the court. For its part, TWI should comply with all financial commitments to VSNL.

On November 15, CAB and another filed the present Writ Petition No 836 of 1993. On the same day the Supreme Court passed an order directing the Secretary, Ministry of Communications, to hold a meeting by 4.30 pm on that day itself and to communicate the decision by 7.30 pm. The Customs authorities were directed to release the equipment. Later that night another order was passed partly staying the orders of the Chairman, Telecommunications and Secretary, DoT. TWI was permitted to generate its own signals and the Customs authorities were directed to release the goods forthwith.

Also on the same day DD filed a contempt petition in the high court against CAB and another, for non-compliance with the orders of the high court. It also filed the present special leave petitions in the Supreme Court on the same day.

Issues:

What, if any, are the conditions that can be imposed by the government department concerned – in the present case the Ministry of Information and Broadcasting – for:

[a] creating terrestrial signal of the event?

[b] granting facilities of uplinking to a satellite not owned or controlled by the Government or its agencies?

Does the government or government agencies like DD – in the present case – have a monopoly over creating terrestrial signals and telecasting them or refusing to telecast them?

Can the government or government agencies like DD claim to be the host broadcaster for all events, whether produced or organised by it or by anybody else in the country?  Can they insist upon the organiser or the agency engaged by them to telecast the event(s), taking signals only from the government or government agency and to telecast only with its express permission?

Arguments:

MIB’s arguments:

There is a difference between the implications of the right conferred under Article 19 [1] (a) upon [i] the broadcaster – ie, the person operating the media, [ii] the person desiring access to the media to project his views, including the organiser of an event, [iii] the viewer, and [iv] a person seeking uplinking of frequencies so as to telecast

signals generated in India to other countries.

The primary object of the telecast by CAB is to raise funds and hence the activities are essentially of trade. The fact that the profits are deployed for promotion of sports is immaterial for the purpose.

A broadcaster does not have a right as such to access the airwaves without a

licence either for the purposes of telecast or for the purposes of uplinking. There is no general right to a licence to use the airwaves which, as a scarce resource, have to be used in a manner that the interests of the largest number are best served. The paramount interest is that of the viewers.

The grant of a licence does not confer any special right inasmuch as the refusal of a licence does not result in the denial of a right to free speech.

The nature of the electronic media is such that it necessarily involves the marshalling of available resources for the largest public good. The state monopoly created as a device to use the resource is not per seviolative of the right of free speech as long as the paramount interests of viewers are served and access to the media is governed by the fairness doctrine.

The right to telecast/broadcast has certain inherent limitations imposed by nature,

whereas Article 19(2) applies to restrictions imposed by the State. The object of licensing is not to cast restrictions on the expression of ideas, but to regulate and marshall scarce resources to ensure their optimum enjoyment by all including those who are not affluent enough to dominate the media.

The rights of an organiser to use airwaves as a medium to telecast and thereby propagate his views, are distinct from his right to commercially exploit the event. Unless, therefore, the rights of the viewers are given primacy, it will in practice result in the affluent having the sole right to air their views, completely eroding the right of the viewers. The right of the viewer can only be safeguarded by the regulatory agency by controlling the broadcast frequencies, as it is otherwise impossible for viewers to

exercise their right to free speech qua the electronic media in any meaningful way.

A mere creation of the monopoly agency to telecast does not per se violate Article 19 [1] (a) as long as the access is not denied to the media either absolutely or by imposition of terms that were unreasonable. Article 19 [1] (a) proscribes monopoly in ideas and as long as this is not done, the mere fact that access to the media is through a Government-controlled agency is not per se violative of Article 19 [1] (a)

A general permission to all who seek frequencies to telecast would not better serve the principle underlying Article 19 [1] (a) in the socio-economic scenario of this country and would result in passing the control of the media from the government to private agencies affluent enough to buy access.

CAB/BCCI’s arguments:

The right to organise a sports event inheres in the entity to which the right belongs and that entity in this case is the BCCI and its members, which include the CAB. The right to produce an event includes the right to deal with the event in all manner and mode that the entity chooses. This includes the right to telecast or not to telecast the event, by or through whom, and on what terms and conditions. In the event the entity chooses to televise its own events, the terms and conditions for televising such events are to be negotiated by it with any party with whom it wishes to negotiate.

The BCCI and CAB had a right under Article 19 [1] (a) to produce, transmit, telecast and broadcast their event directly or through its agent. The right to circulate information is a part of the right guaranteed under Article 19 [1] (a). Even otherwise, viewers and persons interested in sports by way of education, information, record and entertainment have a right to such information, knowledge and entertainment. The content of the right under Article 19 [1] (a) reaches out to protect the information of the viewers also. In this case, there was a right of the viewers and also the right of the producer to telecast the event.  In view of these two rights; there was an obligation on the part of the Department of Telecommunication to allow the telecasting of the event.

The grant of a licence under Section 4 of the Act is a regulatory measure and does not entitle MIB either to deny a licence to BCCI/CAB for the purposes of production, transmission and telecasting sports events or to impose any condition unrelated to Article 19 [2]. If such denial or imposition were made, it would amount to a prohibition.

The Constitution did not visualise any monopoly in Article 19 [1] (a). Hence DD could not claim the same nor could the commercial interest of DD or claim of exclusivity by it of generation of signals be a ground for declining permission under Section 4 of the Act. Hence the following restrictions that were sought to be imposed fell outside the ambit of Article 19(2) and were unconstitutional.

There was no monopoly in relation to what the viewer can see since satellites can beam directly on to television sets, through a dish antenna, all programmes whose footprints are receivable in the country.

The non-availability of a channel is of no consequence in the present days of technological development. Any person intending to telecast/broadcast an event could do so directly even without routing signal through the channels of DD or MIB. What was required was to ensure is that the secured channel did not interfere with each other. On account of the availability of innumerable satellites in the geo-stationary orbit of the hemisphere, the signals could directly be uplinked through any of the available transponders of satellite whose footprints can be received back through appropriate electronic device.

Merely because an organisation may claim profit from an activity whose character is predominantly covered under Article 19 [1] (a), it would not convert the activity into one involving Article 19 [1] (g) (Freedom to practise one’s trade and profession).

Decision:

i) The Supreme Court held that the airwaves or frequencies were a public property. Their use had to be controlled and regulated by a public authority in the interests of the public and to prevent the invasion of their rights. Since the electronic media involved the use of the airwaves, this factor creates an inbuilt restriction on its use, as in the case of any other public property.

ii) The Supreme Court held that the right to impart and receive information is a species of the right of freedom. The best means of imparting and receiving information as such is to have access to telecasting for the purpose. However, this right to have access to telecasting has limitations on account of the use of public property – viz, the airwaves – involved in the exercise of the right and can be controlled and regulated by a public authority. This limitation imposed by the nature of the public property involved in the use of the electronic media is in addition to the restrictions imposed on the right to freedom of speech and expression under Article 19 [2] of the Constitution.

iii) The Supreme Court instructed the Central Government to take immediate steps to establish an independent, autonomous public authority representative of all sections and interests in society to control and regulate the use of the airwaves. The Supreme Court said that a diversity of opinions, views and ideas cannot be provided by a medium controlled by a monopoly – whether the monopoly is of the State or any other individual, group or organisation. “As a matter of fact, private broadcasting stations may perhaps be more prejudicial to the free speech right of the citizens than government-controlled media, as explained in the body of the judgment. The broadcasting media should be under the control of the public as distinct from government. This is the command implicit in Article 19(1)(a).”

(Siddharth Narrain works with the Alternative Law Forum, Bangalore)

InfoChange News & Features, June 2009

Posted by: RR | 9 July 2009

SARANG 107.8 Fever Grips Town

9 July. You would agree with me – monsoon season is fever season. So it is. But if you think it’s only malaria, dengue, chikungunya and other fevers, you better keep space for another fever in Mangalore. It’s SARANG 107.8FM fever.

They pose like heroines, and work like creative heads!

They pose like heroines, and work like creative heads!

And one more - that vicious enthusiasm seems to have caught them all...

And one more - that vicious enthusiasm seems to have caught them all...

What’s unique about this fever is it has hit the streets of Mangalore in a unique way. Post Graduate students (seniors) of Mass Communication (MCMS) not only

designed the publicity but also took it upon themselves to execute their novel plans.

Guess who is trying the Rang Rang-da vesha! Celebrating Colours of Life

Guess who is trying the Rang Rang-da vesha! Celebrating Colours of Life

They designed colourful and fancy cardboard masks and wearing them went round the city. So enthused were they on the first day, they took to streets on the second day, too, with hand-drum (tamki). Everyone seems to be saying one thing – “SARANG 107.8FM” – kudos to MCMS students – I am proud of them.

Posted by: RR | 8 July 2009

New MIB Secretary Raghu Menon

Raghu Menon has taken charge as the new Secretary of the Ministry of Information and Broadcasting (MIB) from July 6, 2009. Menon, a 1974 batch IAS officer of the Nagaland cadre, takes charge from Tourism Secretary Jawahar Sircar, who had been holding additional charge of MIB following the retirement of Sushma Singh in May this year.

Menon’s appointment as the I&B Secretary is expected to raise the expectations of the media industry given the fact that he had worked for a brief while as a journalist with English newspaper The Hitavada in Nagpur before joining the civil services. He was even awarded the Austin Wingate Nazareth Gold Medal for his outstanding performance in Journalism. He is said to take a keen interest in mass communications, public relations and the media.

It may be noted that Menon had been in the MIB as Joint Secretary and Additional Secretary during his earlier stints.

CHRISTIAN PRINCIPAL AND SCHOOL ATTACKED IN GUJARAT

Date: 07/07/2009

Minorities in Gujarat continue to be intimidated, harassed and attacked!

The latest incident took place yesterday (July 6th) in the well known St. Stephen’s High School (founded in 1932) in Dahod, Eastern Gujarat.

According to Sr. Archana, (one of the teachers of the school), some girls had requested that they be permitted to come to school with henna (mehndi) on their arms. The school authorities agreed to it. However, last morning some of the girls who were leading the school assembly prayers had plenty of henna all over their arms. They were requested to wash it off as the school rules do not permit this kind of make-up.

In a matter of moments, in an apparently pre-planned move, a group of outsiders broke into the school accompanied by the media. These miscreants wanted to know why the school authorities had asked the girls to wash off their henna.

They were not ready to listen to any kind of reason, and in their fury they also beat up the Principal of the school, Fr. C. Rayappan svd who received head and abdomen injuries. On the way out, the mob also threw stones at the Grotto of Our Lady breaking the glass and desecrating the statue.

Later on, together with a group of well-wishers, Fr. Rayappan, filed an FIR with the DSP of Dahod who promised immediate action.

No arrests have been made so far; however, according to sources, the attack was carried out by a right-wing Hindu outfit of the town.

As a mark of protest, the management and staff of St. Stephen’s School wore black bands today (July 7th) to school and did not hold any classes for the students.

Posted by: RR | 7 July 2009

PG: New Batches Begin

7 July. By now, most of the post graduate courses at St Aloysius College (Autonomous) have begun. On

Some of those MCMS who arrived in time - with their mentors

Some of those MCMS who arrived in time - with their mentors

Monday 06 July, Mass Communication (MCMS), MSW, Economics, M.Com, English, Biotechnology, Biochemistry, and Analytical Chemistry were inaugurated for the year 2009-10.

Hei, is it ragging? Nope! Just that the seniors made the juniors do a few tricks in the presence of their teachers!

Hei, is it ragging? Nope! Just that the seniors made the juniors do a few tricks in the presence of their teachers!

Unlike other years, this year there was no common program to mark the inaugural of the various courses together, since the Principal has been hospitalised (but he

A novel way of forfiets! Counting the bangles... a fresher was given the tough task of counting Bojamma's bangles! And she failed!!!

A novel way of forfiets! Counting the bangles... a fresher was given the tough task of counting Bojamma's bangles! And she failed!!!

is back by the time this is posted).

Some of the leading lights of the MCMS Dept - those lucky ones

Some of the leading lights of the MCMS Dept - those lucky ones

The senior students of MCMS gave a very warm welcome to their juniors. First, the freshers were welcomed by the Head of the Dept – Dr Richard Rego SJ, in the company of his colleagues Dr Celine Vas and Mr Vivek Kannadi.

We are better than the seniors, we are keen observers, concentrate better, seem to say the Juniors...

We are better than the seniors, we are keen observers, concentrate better, seem to say the Juniors...

Later, as the senior media students took charge, there was fun and melting of ice!

Today, of course, the students got a break! Rain holiday! Almost all had reached the College – and the rain holiday was declared! Happy students went away from the Campus!

Posted by: RR | 6 July 2009

Rain Holiday is Back

7 July. Students are students! They enjoy a good holiday – specially if it rains! They may actually love to be drenched and be out of their homes when it pours down! But holiday is a must!

It rained heavily in the morning. And the Vice Prncipal declared a holiday to the College. You should have seen the rejoicing – people loved this announcement (that is after they had reached the College)!

And then the rains stopped! Quite a clear day! But the holiday continues for the day!

Posted by: RR | 6 July 2009

Colleges: No Rain Holiday

ADC has declared holiday to schools for two days. Surprisingly, for those schools whose children had already attended the schools yesterday (6 july), holiday would be on 7-8 july; other 6-7 july.

Reason? Heavy rain! If rain is the reason, why this ‘either-or’ holiday?

Or, is it the local MLA’s personal agenda to declare holidays on his whims  and fancies?

MLAs and Mnisters, please don’t tamper with our education. You keep away. Another MLA and minister (Kageri) is getting disgraced  bythe High Court and the Supreme Court of India. The High Court asked him to vacate his chair if he cannot comply with the Court orders (on language medium in schools). The Court called the Yeddyurappa government a useless one. But, there is not much of respect for law and courts left in our ministers and the government, it looks.

Yathaa Raja Thathaa Prajaa. As the government is so its people . If the Government wants the citizens to be law abiding and good, the government and our political leaders should show that they understand the same language.

And for those in colleges – no holiday! So far, no one has interefered in this matter, and the colleges want to do their duty!

Posted by: RR | 4 July 2009

Meghalaya Outfits Own Up Child Trafficking

5 July. An organisation, a close affiliate of the RSS, has accepted that it has  been trafficking children from Meghalaya under the pretext of ‘ free and higher education.’ While distancing itself from the RSS WITHIN the limits of Meghalaya, it says, it can’t work without the help of RSS outside Meghalaya! Quoting the example of Karnataka state, where it has trafficked hundreds of children, it has beem working in collaboration with the RSS, and Tukaram Shetty is in close collaboration with them.

Shillong Times has broken this story on the front page. You could read more of this on a comment by Sylvie – on the right side panel of this post.

Posted by: RR | 4 July 2009

Railway Budget and Headlines

5 July. The veteran railway minister Ms Mamata Banerjee has presented her maiden railway budget in the newly constituted UPA (United Progressive Alliance led by the Congress)  government. The thrust of the budget has been ‘aam aadmi‘ (poor wo/man) – the very electorate which catapulted the UPA to power for the second successive term.

Keeping the train fares untouched, introducing new trains for women, youth, special provisions for unorganised sectors, etc may look appeasing (in fact, NOW the saffron and red parties are afraid to call it that – lest the ghosts of the past revisit them!), but it was needed to assure the electorate that the UPA cares for them. And for the “100 day” agenda of the UPA (after assuming charge) to prove that they “care”, this goes a long way.

I was glancing through the various newspaper headlines. Almost every paper has something nice to say about the railway budget, albeit with reservations. FICCI -that Industry & Commerce body has appreciated the budget (the difficult capitalist to appease!).

Even Udayavani -the saffron paper which subtly but clearly pampers anything that is saffron & BJP,  has managed to do a diplomatic act. Some appreciation here and there, some criticism, etc. The New Indian Express has much criticism about the budget. Accepted, given its stance. But the criticism is not blind rejection.

Vaartha Bhaarathi – the secular, pro-democratic Kannada daily calls the budget ‘mamatheya’ budget (affectionate budget) – playing on the name of the Railways Minister. But Vijaya Karnataka – the outright saffron paper (which played the most notorious part in inflaming anti minority sentiments against Christians and Muslims in the wake of anti-Church attacks and anti-Muslim agitations) – outrightly rejects the budget calling it ‘mamathe-yillada’ budget!!! Diametrically opposite headlines! It then goes on to give the facts and figures of the budget. Nowhere the lack of affection show itself! It -probably- did not succeed in rewriting the truth! Even its editorial says ‘yes’ and ‘but’.  But the misleading headline?

So, where did this front page headline come from? Deeply Saffron obsession? Or notorious phobias like the ‘Hidayatulla’ disgrace episode (read earlier in this blog) in which a poor and innocent Muslim boy was portrayed as a terrorist – even when the police rejected any such connections or investigations? It’s ridiculous! A vindictive and incompetent media like that can ruin a country.

The question: Should the media be made accountable through formal channels, even when the media agencies oppose such guards vehemently? Well, do we ask people when every other act/ control is contemplated, and then go by their whims and fancies?  Or do we aim at a more secure, peaceful society?  What is more important?

Posted by: RR | 4 July 2009

U.R. Ananthamurthy On Brecht

ಆತ ಬ್ರೆಕ್ಟ್

ಯು. ಆರ್. ಅನಂತಮೂರ್ತಿ

brecht cover copy2

ಬ್ರೆಕ್ಟ್ ನನ್ನು ನಾನು ಅನುವಾದ ಮಾಡಲು ತೊಡಗಿದ್ದು ನನ್ನ ಮೈಯಲ್ಲಿ ಆರೋಗ್ಯ ಕೆಟ್ಟಾಗ. ಈ ಕಾಲದ ಅನೇಕ ದೌರ್ಜನ್ಯಗಳಿಗೆ ಪ್ರತಿರೋಧಿಸುವ ಶಕ್ತಿ ನನ್ನ ಮಾತಿಗೆ ಇಲ್ಲ ಎನಿಸಿದಾಗ.

ಡಾ.ವಿನಾಯಕ ಸೇನ್ ಎಂಬ ಮಕ್ಕಳ ವೈದ್ಯ ಮತ್ತು ದೀನರ ಬಂಧುವನ್ನು ಸರ್ಕಾರ ನಕ್ಸಲೈಟ್ ಎಂಬ ಗುಮಾನಿಯಿಂದ ಎರಡು ವರ್ಷ ಕಾಲ ಜೈಲಲ್ಲಿಟ್ಟಿತ್ತು. ಬರ್ಮಾದಲ್ಲಿ ಚುನಾವಣೆಯಲ್ಲಿ ಗೆದ್ದ ಅಂಗ್ಸಾನ್ ಸೂಕಿಯನ್ನು ಗೃಹಬಂಧನದಲ್ಲಿ ಇರಿಸಿ ಇನ್ನಷ್ಟು ಆಪಾದನೆಗಳನ್ನು ಹೊರೆಸಿ ಅವಳು ಮತ್ತೆ ಚುನಾವಣೆಯಲ್ಲಿ ನಿಲ್ಲದಂತೆ ಮಾಡಲು ಪ್ರಯತ್ನಿಸಲಾಗಿದೆ.

ದುಷ್ಟ ವ್ಯವಸ್ಥೆಯಲ್ಲಿ ಇದು ನಿರೀಕ್ಷಿಸುವಂಥದ್ದೆ, ಆದರೆ ವಿಪರ್ಯಾಸ ಎಂದರೆ ಮಹಾತ್ಮ ಗಾಂಧಿಯನ್ನು ರಾಷ್ಟ್ರಪಿತನೆಂದು ತಿಳಿಯುವ ನಮ್ಮ ಸರಕಾರ ಬರ್ಮಾದ ಬಗ್ಗೆ ಏನನ್ನೂ ಮಾಡಿಲ್ಲ. ಆರ್ಥಿಕವಾಗಿ ನಮಗೆ ಬರ್ಮಾದ ಸಹಾಯ ಬೇಕು. ಆದರೆ ಮಾನವ ಹಕ್ಕುಗಳಿಗಾಗಿ ಏನನ್ನು ಮಾಡಿಲ್ಲ. ಚೀನಾ ಅಂತೂ ಮಾವೋ ಹೆಸರಿನಲ್ಲಿ ಅಧಿಕಾರಕ್ಕೆ ಬಂದು ಸಂಪೂರ್ಣವಾಗಿ ಬರ್ಮಾದ ಬೆಂಬಲಕ್ಕೆ ನಿಂತಿದೆ. ಅಮೆರಿಕಾವು ಬರ್ಮಾದ ಮಿಲಿಟರಿ ಆಡಳಿತವನ್ನು ಬೆಂಬಲಿಸುತ್ತಿದೆ. ಪಾಕಿಸ್ತಾನದಲ್ಲಿ ಇಸ್ಲಾಂ ಧರ್ಮವನ್ನು ರಾಜಕೀಯ ಕಾರಣಗಳಿಗಾಗಿ ತಿರುಚಿಕೊಂಡು ನರಹತ್ಯೆಗೆ ಹೇಸದ ಆತ್ಮಹತ್ಯೆಗೂ ತಯಾರಾದ ಒಂದು ಪಡೆಯೇ ಸಿದ್ದವಾಗಿದೆ.

ಇದಕ್ಕೆ ವಿರುದ್ದವಾಗಿ ನಮ್ಮಲ್ಲಿ ಇಂದಿರಾಗಾಂಧಿಯವರ ಮೊಮ್ಮಗ, ಸಂಜಯಗಾಂಧಿಯ ಮಗ ವಿವೇಕಾನಂದರಂತೆ ತಲೆಗೆ ಪೇಟಾವನ್ನು ಕಟ್ಟಿ, ಶಾಲನ್ನು ಹೊದ್ದು, ಅವನ ಗುಂಡುಮುಖದಿಂದಾಗಿ ಹಾಗೆಯೇ ಕಾಣುತ್ತಾ, ಕಡಿ-ಕೊಚ್ಚು-ಕೊಲ್ಲು ಮಾತಾಡುತ್ತಾ ಚುನಾವಣೆಯಲ್ಲಿ ಗೆಲ್ಲುತ್ತಾನೆ. ಕರ್ನಾಟಕದಲ್ಲಂತೂ ಫ್ಯಾಸಿಸ್ಟ್ ಧೋರಣೆಯನ್ನು ಬೆಂಬಲಿಸುವ ಕಾಲಂ ಒಂದನ್ನು ಪ್ರತಿವಾರ ಪ್ರಕಟಿಸುವ ಅತ್ಯಧಿಕ ಪ್ರಸಾರದ ಒಂದು ವೃತ್ತಪತ್ರಿಕೆಯೇ ಇದೆ. ತಿರುಪತಿ ತಿಮ್ಮಪ್ಪನ ತಲೆಯ ಮೇಲೆ ಗಣಿ ಸುಲಿಗೆಯ ಹಣದಿಂದ ಮಾಡಿಸಿದ ವಜ್ರದ ಕಿರೀಟವಿದೆ. ಭಾರತದ ಕಮ್ಯುನಿಸ್ಟರು ಕೇರಳದಲ್ಲಿ ವ್ಯಾಪಾರೋದ್ಯಮದ ಅಧಿಪತಿಗಳಾಗಿದ್ದಾರೆ; ಬಂಗಾಳದಲ್ಲಿ ರೈತರ ನೆಲ ಕಸಿದು ನ್ಯಾನೋ ಕಾರು ಮಾಡಲು ಅದನ್ನು ಕೊಟ್ಟು ಪೇಚಿಗೆ ಸಿಲುಕಿದ್ದಾರೆ; ಹಲವು ಲೋಹಿಯಾ ಸೋಶಿಯಲಿಸ್ಟರು ಭಾಜಪದ ಆದರದ ಆಧಾರವಾಗಿದ್ದಾರೆ. ನಕ್ಸಲೈಟರು ಈಗಿರುವ ವ್ಯವಸ್ಥೆಗಿಂತ ಕ್ರೂರವಾದ ಪೊಲೀಸ್ ರಾಜ್ಯ ಕಟ್ಟಲು ಕುತಂತ್ರಿಗಳಾಗಿ ಅಮಾಯಕರನ್ನು ಬಲಿ ತೆಗೆದುಕೊಳ್ಳುತ್ತ ಇದ್ದಾರೆ. ಧ್ಯಾನವನ್ನು ಕಸುಬು ಮಾಡಿಕೊಂಡ ಕೆಲವು ಇಂಗಿಜಷ ಮಾತಾಡಬಲ್ಲ ಗುರುಗಳು ರೈತರ ಭೂಮಿಯನ್ನು ಎನ್ಆರ್ಐ ಭಕ್ತರಿಂದ ಹಣ ಪಡೆಯಲು ಅಗತ್ಯವಾದ ವಿಶ್ರಾಂತಿಧಾಮ ಮಾಡುತ್ತಾ ಇದ್ದಾರೆ. ಇವರಲ್ಲಿ ಒಬ್ಬರು ಶಾಂತಿಗಾಗಿ ಕೊಡುವ ನೊಬೆಲ್ ಬಹುಮಾನದ ಆಕಾಂಕ್ಷಿಗಳಂತೆ. ನಮ್ಮ ಬುದ್ಧಿವಂತರು ‘ಇದೆಲ್ಲ ಯಾವತ್ತೂ ಇದ್ದಿದ್ದೇ ಹೀಗೆ; ಇರೋದೆ ಹೀಗೆ’ ಎಂದುಕೊಂಡು ಆರಾಮಾಗಿ ಸಹಿಸುತ್ತಾರೆ.

ಹೀಗೆಯೇ ಯುರೋಪಿನಲ್ಲಿ ತಮ್ಮ ಮಾತೆಲ್ಲ ಸೋತಿದೆ ಅನ್ನಿಸಿದಾಗ, ಹಾಗೆ ಅನ್ನಿಸಿ, ಸೋತು, ಗೆದ್ದು, ಇಂತಹ ಕೆಟ್ಟ ಕಾಲದಲ್ಲೂ ಗೆದ್ದೆನೆಂದು ತನ್ನ ಜಾಣತನಕ್ಕೇ ಹೇಸಿ ಕೊನೆಗೂ ಜೀವನ ಪ್ರೀತಿಯನ್ನೂ, ಭರವಸೆಯನ್ನೂ ಕಳೆದುಕೊಳ್ಳದ ಬ್ರೆಕ್ಟ್ ನಂತವನು ನನಗೆ ಬಹಳ ಮುಖ್ಯ ಎನಿಸಿತು. ಹಿಟ್ಲರನ ಜರ್ಮನಿಯಲ್ಲಿ ಬದುಕಲಾರದೆ, ಅವನು ಓಡಿಹೋದ ಎಲ್ಲ ದೇಶಗಳು ಫ್ಯಾಸಿಸ್ಟ್ ಆಗಲು ತೊಡಗಿದಾಗ ಕೊನೆಯಲ್ಲಿ ಅಮೆರಿಕಾದಲ್ಲಿ ಆಶ್ರಯ ಪಡೆದು ಆಮೇಲಿನ ಮೆಕಾರ್ತರ ಕಾಲದಲ್ಲಿ ಅಮೆರಿಕಾ ವಿರೋಧಿ ಎಂಬ ಸಂಶಯದಿಂದ ಪೂರ್ಣ ವಿಚಾರಣೆಗೆ ಒಳಗಾಗಿ ಮತ್ತೆ ಪೂರ್ವ ಜರ್ಮನಿಯ ಬರ್ಲಿನ್ ಗೆ ಮರಳಿ ಬಂದವನು ಬ್ರೆಕ್ಟ್.

ಸೋವಿಯತ್ ಕ್ರಾಂತಿಯ ನಂತರ ಏನೋ ಒಂದು ಹೊಸ ಯುಗ ಬರುತ್ತದೆ ಎಂದು ತಿಳಿದಿದ್ದ ನಮ್ಮ ರವೀಂದ್ರನಾಥ ಠಾಗೂರರಂತೆ, ಮಾರ್ಕ್ಸಿಸ್ಟ್ ಆದ ಬ್ರೆಕ್ಟ್ ಕೂಡಾ ಭಾವಿಸಿದ್ದ. ಆದರೆ ಸ್ಟಾಲಿನ್ ನ ಕಾಲದಲ್ಲಿ ತನಗಾಗದವರನ್ನು, ತನ್ನ ಕ್ರೂರ ವಿಚಾರಗಳಿಗೆ ವಿರೋಧವಿಲ್ಲದಂತೆ ಮಾಡಲು ಸ್ಟಾಲಿನ್ ಬಹಳ ಜನ ಅಮಾಯಕರನ್ನು ಕೊಂದ. ಇದರ ವಿರುದ್ಧ ಯಾರೂ ಮಾತಾಡುವಂತಿರಲಿಲ್ಲ. ಪೂರ್ವ ಯುರೋಪಿನ ಯಾವ ರಾಷ್ಟ್ರಗಳೂ ಸ್ಟಾಲಿನ್ನ ಕ್ರೂರತೆಗೆ ವಿರೋಧ ವ್ಯಕ್ತಪಡಿಸಲಿಲ್ಲ. ಬ್ರೆಕ್ಟ್ ಈ ಎಲ್ಲ ವಿದ್ಯಮಾನಗಳನ್ನು ಕಣ್ಣಾರೆ ಕಂಡು ಗ್ರಹಿಸಿದ್ದ. ತಾನು ಬರೆದ ‘ಗೆಲಿಲಿಯೋ’ ನಾಟಕದಲ್ಲಿ ಗೆಲಿಲಿಯೋ ಹೇಗೆ ಒಂದು ಸುಳ್ಳನ್ನು ಹೇಳಿ ತನ್ನನ್ನು ಹೇಗೋ ಉಳಿಸಿಕೊಂಡು ಪಾರಾಗಿ ಸತ್ಯ ಶೋಧನೆಯಲ್ಲಿ ತೊಡಗಿದ ಎನ್ನುವಂತೆಯೇ ಬ್ರೆಕ್ಟ್ ಕೂಡಾ ತನಗೆ ಬೇಕಾದ್ದನ್ನು ಪಡೆದುಕೊಂಡು ಗುಪ್ತವಾಗಿ ಕೆಲವು ಪದ್ಯಗಳನ್ನು ಬರೆದು ಅದನ್ನು ಪ್ರಕಟಿಸದೆ ತನ್ನ ಅಂತರಂಗದ ಸತ್ಯವನ್ನು ಕಾಯ್ದುಕೊಂಡ. ತನ್ನ ಬಗ್ಗೆಯೇ ನಾಚಿಕೆ ಪಟ್ಟ.

‘ನಾನು ಚೆನ್ನಾಗಿ ಬಲ್ಲೆ: ಅನೇಕ ಸ್ನೇಹಿತರು ಸತ್ತೂ ನಾನು ಬದುಕಿ ಉಳಿದಿದ್ದು

ಬರಿಯ ಅದೃಷ್ಟ ಅಷ್ಟೆ. ಆದರೆ ರಾತ್ರಿ ಕನಸಿನಲ್ಲಿ

ಆ ಸ್ನೇಹಿತರು ನನ್ನನ್ನು ಕುರಿತಾಡಿದರು: ‘ಗಟ್ಟಿಗರಷ್ಟೇ ಬದುಕಿ ಉಳಿಯುತ್ತಾರೆ’

ಕೇಳಿ ನನ್ನ ಬಗ್ಗೆ ನನಗೇ ದ್ವೇಷ ಹುಟ್ಟಿತು

-ಬ್ರೆಕ್ಟ್, 1944, ಶಾ. ಬಾಲೂರಾವ್ ಅನುವಾದ

(ಬರ್ತೊಲ್ತ್ ಬ್ರೆಷ್ತ್ ಎಂಬತ್ತು ಕವಿತೆಗಳು, 1994, ಅಕ್ಷರ ಪ್ರಕಾಶನ)

ಪಾರಮಾರ್ಥಿಕವಾದ ಶಾಶ್ವತ ಅನ್ನುತ್ತೇವಲ್ಲ ಅದರಲ್ಲಿ ಬ್ರೆಕ್ಟ್ ನಂಬಿಕೆ ಉಳ್ಳವನಾಗಿದ್ದರೆ, ಅಷ್ಟು ಸಂಕಟವನ್ನು ಪಡಲೇ ಬೇಕಾಗಿರಲಿಲ್ಲ. ಅದೆಲ್ಲವನ್ನು ಈ ಕಾಲದ ಮಾಯೆ ಎಂದು ಸುಮ್ಮನಿದ್ದು ಬಿಡಬಹುದಿತ್ತು. ಆದರೆ ಬ್ರೆಕ್ಟ್ ಮಾರ್ಕ್ಸಿಸ್ಟ್ ಆದ್ದರಿಂದ ‘ಎಲ್ಲವು ಸಂಭವಿಸುವುದು ಇಲ್ಲಿ, ಈ ಕಾಲದಲ್ಲಿ, ನಮ್ಮ ಕಾಲದಲ್ಲಿ’. ‘ಇಲ್ಲಿ ಸಲ್ಲುವವರು ಅಲ್ಲಿಯು ಸಲ್ಲುವರಯ್ಯ’ ಎಂಬಂತೆ ಇಲ್ಲಿ ಮೊದಲು ಸಲ್ಲಬೇಕು ಅನ್ನುವ ರೀತಿಯವನು. ತಾನು ಕಾವ್ಯವನ್ನು ರಸಾತ್ಮಕ ಕಾರಣಗಳಿಗಾಗಿ ಬರೆಯುತಿದ್ದೇನೆ ಎಂಬುದನ್ನು ತಿರಸ್ಕರಿಸಿದ ಬ್ರೆಕ್ಟ್, ಅರಿಸ್ಟಾಟಲ್ ನ ಕಥಾರ್ಸಿಸ್ (catharsis) ಸಿದ್ಧಾಂತವನ್ನು ಒಪ್ಪಿರಲಿಲ್ಲ. ಕಥಾರ್ಸಿಸ್ ಸಿದ್ಧಾಂತದ ಮೇಲೆ ರಚಿತವಾದ ಕೃತಿಗಳು ನಮ್ಮನ್ನು ದುಃಖವಶರನ್ನಾಗಿ ಮಾಡಿ, ಆ ಕ್ಷಣದಲ್ಲಿ ನಾವು ಲೋಕದ ಸತ್ಯ ಮರೆಯುವಂತೆ ಮಾಡಿ, ನಾವು ಸಂಕಟ ಪಟ್ಟೆವು ಎಂಬ ನೆಮ್ಮದಿಯಲ್ಲಿ ಮರುಕ್ಷಣವೇ ನಾವು ಅದೇ ಮೊದಲಿನ ಮನುಷ್ಯರಾಗಿಯೇ ಉಳಿದು ಇರುವಂತೆ ಮಾಡುತ್ತದೆ. ಸಿನಿಮಾದಲ್ಲಿ ಹರಿಜನ ಪಡುವ ಯಾತನೆಯನ್ನು ನೋಡಿ ತುಂಬಾ ದುಃಖ ಪಡುವವನು ಮನೆಗೆ ಬಂದ ನಂತರ ಅಸ್ಪೃಶ್ಯತೆ ಬಗ್ಗೆ ತನ್ನ ವರ್ತನೆಯನ್ನು ಪ್ರಾಯಶಃ ಬದಲಾಯಿಸಿಕೊಳ್ಳುವುದು ಬಲು ಅಪರೂಪ. ಅಸ್ಪೃಶ್ಯತೆ ಬಗ್ಗೆ ಯಾವ ನಿಲುವು ಹೊಂದಿರುತ್ತಾನೋ ಅದನ್ನೆ

ಮುಂದುವರೆಸುತ್ತಾನೆ. ಈ ರೀತಿಯ ತಾದ್ಯಾತ್ಮಗೊಳ್ಳುವ ದುಃಖವನ್ನು, ಒಂದು ಬಗೆಯಲ್ಲಿ ಮುದ ಕೊಡುವ ದುಃಖದ ಆಭಾಸವನ್ನು ತರುವ ಕಾವ್ಯದಲ್ಲಿ ಅನೈತಿಕವಾದುದೇನೊ ಇದೆ ಎಂದು ಬ್ರೆಕ್ಟ್ ನಿಗೆ ಅನಿಸುತ್ತದೆ. ನಾವು ನೋಡುತ್ತ ಇರುವುದು, ಅನ್ಯವೆಂದೇ ನೋಡಿ ನಂತರದಲ್ಲಿ ಅದು ನಿಜವೇ ಸುಳ್ಳೆ ಎಂದು ಯೋಚನೆ ಮಾಡುವಂತೆ ಬರೆಯುತ್ತಿದ್ದ. ಇದನ್ನು ಅವನ ಕಾವ್ಯ ಮತ್ತು ನಾಟಕ ಎರಡರಲ್ಲೂ ನೋಡಬಹುದು. ಅವನ critical attitude ಪದ್ಯದಲ್ಲಿ ಅದು ಸ್ಪಷ್ಟವಾಗಿ ಬಂದಿದೆ.

ಕಾವ್ಯದ ಅನುವಾದದ ಬಗ್ಗೆ ಬ್ರೆಕ್ಟ್ ತನ್ನದೇ ಆದ ನಿಲುವನ್ನು ಹೊಂದಿದ್ದ. ಅವನ ಪ್ರಕಾರ ‘ಭಾಷಾಂತರಕಾರರು ತದ್ವತ್ ಭಾಷಾಂತರ ಮಾಡಲು ಹೊರಟರೆ ಅನೇಕ ಬಾರಿ ಮೂಲದ ಪದ್ಯ ಕಳೆದು ಹೋಗಿಬಿಡುತ್ತದೆ. ಆದ್ದರಿಂದ ಪದ್ಯದ ನಿಜವಾದ ವಿಚಾರ ಏನು ಎನ್ನುವುದನ್ನು ಗ್ರಹಿಸಿ ನಿಮ್ಮದೆ ಆದ ರೀತಿಯಲ್ಲಿ ವ್ಯಕ್ತ ಪಡಿಸಿ’ ಎನ್ನುವುದು ಆತನ ನಿಲುವು. ಅದರ ಜೊತೆಗೆ ಬ್ರೆಕ್ಟ್ ಮತ್ತೊಂದು ಮಾತನ್ನು ಹೇಳುತ್ತಾನೆ ಭಾಷಾಂತರಕಾರರು (ತೀರಾ ಸ್ವತಂತ್ರ ತೆಗೆದುಕೊಂಡಾರು ಎನ್ನುವ ಕಾರಣದಿಂದಲೋ ಏನೋ) ‘ಮೂಲ ಪದ್ಯದ ಲಯದಲ್ಲಿ ಕೂಡ ಅರ್ಥ ಸಾಕ್ಷಾತ್ಕಾರಗೊಳ್ಳುವ ಕೆಲವು ಗುಣಗಳಿವೆ ಎಂದು ಕಂಡರೆ, ಆ ಬಗೆಯ (ಅರ್ಥ ಬಗೆಯುವ) ಲಯವನ್ನು ನೀವು ನಿಮ್ಮ ಭಾಷೆಯಲ್ಲಿ ತರಲು ನೋಡಬೇಕು’ ಎನ್ನುತ್ತಾನೆ. ಜರ್ಮನ್ ಲಯವನ್ನು ನಾನು ಕನ್ನಡದಲ್ಲಿ ತರಲು ಸಾಧ್ಯವಿಲ್ಲ. ಏಕೆಂದರೆ ಬ್ರೆಕ್ಟ್ ಪದ್ಯವನ್ನು ನಾನು ಜರ್ಮನ್ ಭಾಷೆಯಲ್ಲಿ ಓದಿಲ್ಲ. ಇಂಗ್ಲಿಷ್ ನಲ್ಲಿ ಓದಿರುವುದು. ಇಂಗ್ಲಿಷ್ ನಲ್ಲಿ ಬಹಳ ಚೆನ್ನಾಗಿ ಬ್ರೆಕ್ಟ್ ನನ್ನು ಚೆನ್ನಾಗಿ ಭಾಷಾಂತರ ಮಾಡಿರುವವರು ಕೂಡಾ ಬ್ರೆಕ್ಟ್ ನ ಈ ಆಶಯವನ್ನು ಉಳಿಸಿಕೊಂಡಿದ್ದಾರೆಯೇ ಎಂಬುದು ನನಗೆ ಗೊತ್ತಿಲ್ಲ. ಅವನ ಹೆಚ್ಚಿನ ಆಶಯಗಳು ವೈಚಾರಿಕವಾಗಿದ್ದು ಅದು ಭಾಷಾಂತರದಲ್ಲೂ ನಮಗೆ ಸಿಗುತ್ತದೆ.

ಒಂದು ಪದ್ಯವನ್ನು ಸಾರಾಂಶದಲ್ಲಿ ಹೇಳಲು ಸಾಧ್ಯವಿಲ್ಲ ಎಂದು ನಾವು ತಿಳಿಯುತ್ತೇವೆ. ಆದರೆ ಇಂಗ್ಲಿಷ್ ನಲ್ಲಿ ಒಂದು ಸಾಹಿತ್ಯ ತತ್ವ ಇದೆ. ‘ಸಾರಾಂಶ ಪದ್ಯವಲ್ಲ ನಿಜ. ಆದರೆ

ಸಾರಾಂಶದಲ್ಲಿ ಹೇಳಲು ಅಸಾಧ್ಯವಾದ ಪದ್ಯ ಒಳ್ಳೆ ಪದ್ಯವಲ್ಲ’ ಎಂದು. ಇದನ್ನು ಬ್ರೆಕ್ಟ್ ಸಹ ನಂಬಿದ್ದಿರಬಹುದು. ಅವನು ಕೂಡಾ ಸಾರಾಂಶದಲ್ಲಿ ಹೇಳಲಾರದನ್ನು ಪದ್ಯ ಎಂದು

ಭಾವಿಸಿ ಬರೆದಿಲ್ಲ. ಬೇಂದ್ರೆಗೆ ಅನ್ಯವಾದ ನಿಲುವು ಇದು. ಕವಿತೆಯನ್ನು ಆಲಿಸಿದವನಿಗೆ ಕವಿತೆ ದೊರೆಯಬೇಕು ಎನ್ನುವುದರಲ್ಲೂ ಬ್ರೆಕ್ಟ್ ನಿಗೆ ನಂಬಿಕೆಯಿತ್ತು. ‘ಅರ್ಥವಿಲ್ಲ ಸ್ವಾರ್ಥವಿಲ್ಲ

ಬರಿಯ ಭಾವಗೀತ’ ಎನ್ನುವ ಸಾಲನ್ನು ಬ್ರೆಕ್ಟ್ ಬರೆಯಲಾರ. ಆ ಕಾಲವೂ ಹಾಗೇ ಇತ್ತು. ಅವನು ಈ ‘ಲಯಸ್ಪಂದನ’ ವಿವರಿಸಲು ‘ಜೆಸ್ಟಿಕ್’ ಎಂಬ ಶಬ್ದ ಉಪಯೋಗಿಸಿದ್ದ, ಆ

ಶಬ್ದದ ಅರ್ಥವೇನು ಎಂದರೆ- ಸಾಮಾನ್ಯವಾಗಿ ಒಂದು ಸಾಲನ್ನು ಓದಿದಾಗ ಯಾವ ಭಾವಕ್ಕೆ ಮಹತ್ವ ದೊರೆಯಬೇಕೊ ಆ ಮಹತ್ವ ದೊರೆಯುವಂತೆ ಕೆಲವು ಶಬ್ದಗಳು

ಅಥವಾ ಶಬ್ದ ಸಮುಚ್ಚಯಗಳು ಆ ವಾಕ್ಯ ರಚನೆಯ ಸರಿಯಾದ ಜಾಗದಲ್ಲಿರಬೇಕು. ನಮ್ಮ ಉಚ್ಚಾರಣೆಯಲ್ಲಿ ಆ ಶಬ್ದವನ್ನು ಒತ್ತಿ ಹೇಳಿದಾಗ ಸ್ವಲ್ಪ ಹೆಚ್ಚು ಕಾಲವನ್ನು ಲೆಕ್ಕಕ್ಕಿಟ್ಟಿರುತ್ತೇವೆ.

ವಿವರಣಾತ್ಮಕವಾದದ್ದನ್ನು ಸ್ವಲ್ಪ ಅವಸರದಲ್ಲಿ ಹೇಳುತ್ತೇವೆ. ವಿವರಣಾತ್ಮಕವಾದುದನ್ನು ಶೀಘ್ರವಾಗಿ ಹೇಳಿ ಮನಸಿನಲ್ಲಿ ಹೇಳಬೇಕಾದ್ದನ್ನು ಒತ್ತಿ ಹೇಳಿದಾಗ ನಮ್ಮಲ್ಲಿ ಲಯದ

ಕಲ್ಪನೆಯೇ ಬದಲಾಗುತ್ತದೆ. ನನ್ನಲ್ಲಿ ಎಲ್ಲೋ ಒಂದು ಕಡೆ ಅಂಥ ಬದಲಾವಣೆ ಆಗುವ ಲಯದ ಕಲ್ಪನೆಯನ್ನು ನನ್ನಲ್ಲಿ ಗುರುತಿಸಿಕೊಳ್ಳುವುದಕ್ಕಾಗಿ ಕೆಲವು ಬದಲಾವಣೆಗಳನ್ನು

ಭಾಷಾಂತರದಲ್ಲಿ ಮಾಡಿದ್ದೇನೆ.

ಒಂದು ಸಾಲನ್ನು ಓದುವಾಗ ಅದರ ಅರ್ಥವೇನೆಂದು ಗ್ರಹಿಸಿ ಯಾವ ಶಬ್ದಕ್ಕೆ ಹೆಚ್ಚು ಒತ್ತು ಕೊಡಬೇಕು, ಯಾವ ಶಬ್ದವನ್ನು ಬೇಗ ಓದಿಕೊಳ್ಳಬಹುದು ಅನ್ನುವುದು ಗೊತ್ತಿದ್ದಾಗ; ಅದು ಯಾವ ಹದದಲ್ಲಿ ಎಷ್ಟು ದಾಟಬೇಕು? ಹೇಗೆ ಎಷ್ಟು ಓರೆಯಾಗಿ ಅಥವಾ ನೇರವಾಗಿ ಓದುಗನ ಮನಸ್ಸಿನಲ್ಲಿ ನಾಟುವಂತೆ ದಾಟಬೇಕು ಅನ್ನುವುದೂ ಗೊತ್ತಿದ್ದಾಗ ಪದ್ಯದ ಇಡೀ ಸ್ವರೂಪ ಕೇಳುಗರ ಮನಸ್ಸಿನಲ್ಲಿ ಉಳಿಯುತ್ತದೆ. ನಾನು ಈ ರೀತಿಯ ಕಾವ್ಯವಾಚನದ ಪ್ರಯೋಗಗಳನ್ನು ನೋಡಿದ್ದು ನೀನಾಸಂ ಶಿಬಿರದಲ್ಲಿ. ಶಿಬಿರದ ಉದ್ಘಾಟನೆಗೆ ಅದನ್ನು ಬಳಸಿಕೊಳ್ಳುತ್ತಾರೆ. ಕಾವ್ಯವಾಚನದಲ್ಲಿ ಅದೊಂದು ಅದ್ಭುತವಾದ ನಾಟಕೀಯ ಅನುಭವ. ಕಾವ್ಯ ಹೇಗೆ ವಾಚನಕ್ಕೆ ದೊರೆಯುತ್ತದೆ ಎಂದು ತಿಳಿಯಲು ಉಸಿರಾಟದ ಒಂದಂಶವಾದ ವಾಚಿಕಾ ಎನ್ನುವುದು ಬಹಳ ಮುಖ್ಯ ಎಂದು ನಾವು ಗ್ರಹಿಸಿರಬೇಕು. ಬಾಯಿ ಬಿಚ್ಚಿ ಓದುವಹಾಗೆ ಕಾವ್ಯ ಇರಬೇಕು. The sentence must entirely follow the gest of the person speaking.

ನಾನು ಬ್ರೆಕ್ಟ್ ನನ್ನು ಭಾಷಾಂತರ ಮಾಡುವಾಗ ನನ್ನ ಗೆಳೆಯರಾದ ಶಾ. ಬಾಲುರಾವ್ ಬ್ರೆಕ್ಟ್ ನ ಕವಿತೆಗಳನ್ನು ಅನುವಾದಿಸಿದ್ದಾರೆ ಎಂಬ ವಿಷಯವನ್ನು ನಾನು ಮರೆತೇಬಿಟ್ಟಿದ್ದೆ. ನನ್ನ ಗೆಳತಿ ನನಗೆ ಅದನ್ನು ನೆನಪು ಮಾಡಿದಾಗ ನಾನು ಆ ಪುಸ್ತಕ ತರಿಸಿಕೊಂಡು ನೋಡಿದೆ. ಬಾಲುರಾವ್ ಏನನ್ನು ಅನುವಾದಿಸಬೇಕೆಂದರೂ ಮೂಲಕ್ಕೆ ಹೋಗಿ ಭಾಷೆಯನ್ನು ಕಲಿತು ಬಹಳ ಶ್ರಮ ಪಡುತ್ತಿದ್ದರು. ರಾಮಾನುಜನ್ ಇಂಗ್ಲಿಷ ಗೆ ಭಾಷಾಂತರಿಸಲು ಎಷ್ಟು ಶ್ರಮ ಪಡುತಿದ್ದರೋ ಬಾಲುರಾವ್ ಕನ್ನಡಕ್ಕೆ ಭಾಷಾಂತರಿಸಲು ಅಷ್ಟೇ ಶ್ರಮ ಪಡುತ್ತಿದ್ದುದನ್ನು ನಾನು ಕಂಡಿದ್ದೆ. ನನಗೆ ಅವರು ಬಹಳ ಆತ್ಮೀಯರು ಮತ್ತು ಕವಿತೆಯ ಬಗ್ಗೆ ಮೋಹ ಇದ್ದವರು. ನಮ್ಮೆಲ್ಲರಿಗೂ ಶೇಕ್ಸ್ಪಿಯರ್ ಕನ್ನಡಕ್ಕೆ ಆತ್ಮೀಯನಾಗಿ ಗೊತ್ತಿಲ್ಲದ ಕಾಲದಲ್ಲಿ ಬಾಲುರಾವ್ ಅವರ ‘ಶೇಕ್ಸ್ಪಿಯರ್ನಿಗೆ ನಮಸ್ಕಾರ’ ಎಂಬ ಪುಸ್ತಕ ನಮಗೆ ಶೇಕ್ಸ್ಪಿಯರನ್ನು ಪರಿಚಯ ಮಾಡಿಸಿತು. ದೆಹಲಿಗೆ ಹೋದಾಗ ನಮ್ಮ ಕನ್ನಡದ ಬಹುತೇಕ ಲೇಖಕರು ಅದರಲ್ಲೂ ಬೇಂದ್ರೆ ಮತ್ತು ಅಡಿಗರು ಉಳಿದುಕೊಳ್ಳುತಿದ್ದುದ್ದು ಬಾಲುರಾವ್ ಅವರ ಮನೆಯಲ್ಲಿ. ನನ್ನ ಮಗಳು ವೈದ್ಯೆ ಆಗಿ ಕೆಲಸ ಮಾಡಲು ದೆಹಲಿಗೆ ಹೋದಾಗ ಬಾಲುರಾವ್ ಮನೆಯಲ್ಲೆಅವರ ಮಗಳಂತೆ ಉಳಿದುಕೊಂಡಿದ್ದಳು. ಇಷ್ಟು ಹತ್ತಿರದವರಾದ ಬಾಲುರಾವ್ ಅವರನ್ನು

ಬಹಳ ದಿನಗಳಿಂದ ನಾನು ನೆನಪಿಸಿಕೊಂಡೇ ಇರಲಿಲ್ಲವಲ್ಲ ಎಂದೆನಿಸಿತು. ಬ್ರೆಕ್ಟ್ ನನ್ನು ಅನುವಾದ ಮಾಡುತ್ತಿದ್ದಾಗ, ಅವರು ಈ ಮೊದಲು ಮಾಡಿದ್ದಾರೆ ಎಂದು ತಿಳಿದಾಗ, ಅದನ್ನು ಓದಿದಾಗ ಮತ್ತೆ ಬಾಲುರಾಯರಿಗೆ ನನ್ನ ಋಣವನ್ನು ತೀರಿಸುತ್ತಿದ್ದೇನೆ ಎಂದೇ ಅನ್ನಿಸಿತು.

ಬಾಲುರಾವ್ ಅವರು ಮಾಡಿದ ಕೆಲವು ಪದ್ಯಗಳನ್ನು ಮತ್ತು ಮಾಡದ ಹಲವನ್ನೂ ನಾನು ಅನುವಾದ ಮಾಡಿದ್ದೇನೆ.

ಇದು ನನ್ನಿಂದ ಸಾಧ್ಯವಾದದ್ದು ಅಕ್ಷತಾಳ ಉಮೇದಿನಿಂದ. ಅಷ್ಟೇ ಅಲ್ಲ, ಸ್ವತಃ ಕವಿಯಾದ ಈಕೆ ಅಲ್ಲಿ ಇಲ್ಲಿ ನನ್ನ ಅನುವಾದಗಳನ್ನು ತಿದ್ದುವ ಉತ್ತಮ ಸೂಚನೆಗಳನ್ನು ಕೊಟ್ಟು ನನ್ನನ್ನು ಹೆಚ್ಚಿಸಿದ್ದಾಳೆ. ಮತ್ತು ಈ ಪುಸ್ತಕದ ಪ್ರಕಟಣೆಗೂ ಮುಂದಾಗಿದ್ದಾಳೆ ಕೂಡ. ಈ ಬಗೆಯ ಹೊಸ ಸ್ನೇಹಗಳು ನನಗೆ ಸಾಧ್ಯವೆಂದು ಖುಷಿಯಾಗಿದೆ.

http://avadhi.wordpress.com/2009/06/29/%e0%b2%86%e0%b2%a4-%e0%b2%ac%e0%b3%8d%e0%b2%b0%e0%b3%86%e0%b2%95%e0%b3%8d%e0%b2%9f%e0%b3%8d/#more-8181

[contribution by Samvartha from the above mentioned blog]

Posted by: RR | 4 July 2009

Some Interesting Videos to Watch

4 July. This one was sent to me by Mr John Thomas – he sent a different one; from there I was led to this. The link does not end here – it leads to something else and to Twitter and… and… But interesting.

http://mulier-fortis.blogspot.com/2009/07/one-for-my-american-friends.html

3 July. No sooner did Sanjana (of Tehelka) broke the story of RSS indulging in “child trafficking” and indoctrinating kids from Meghalaya, than the RSS disowned the entire conspiracy.They disowned their own man Mr Tukaram Shetty, the mastermind behind this! But the fact is Mr Shetty carries this on, and FOR the RSS! Like Mahendra Kumar of bajrang dal, Pragya of Abhinav Bharat, or any other individual/organisation of the RSS. The strategy is clear: first commit the crime; if the results come by its way, glory in it; if the crime backfires, disown – seems to be the tactic of this outfit, from time immemorial. It’s no different this time.

Sanjana writes (post on 1st July) to clarify on her write up, following vociferous denial by the RSS. In the meantime, newspapers in Shillong have exposed this conspiracy last week. Sanjana and Tehelka stand vindicated.

It is worth reading Sanjana’s comment (along with RSS’ denail) on “response to reconversions”, posted on 1 July

Posted by: RR | 2 July 2009

Story of Innocents’ Conversions

This is a continuation of the news story posted on 27 June. For those who could not visit the Tehelka site to read the full story, I post it here. RR

http://tehelka.com/story_main42.asp?filename=Ne040709a_strange.asp

A Strange And Bitter Crop

An ambitious RSS social engineering project is transporting children from Meghalaya to Karnataka to bring them up ‘the Hindu way,’ discovers SANJANA. Photographs by S RADHAKRISHNA

image
Culture by rote Sixyear- old Meghalaya children chant shlokas in Thinkabettu School

IN AN investigation spanning 35 schools across Karnataka and four districts in Meghalaya, TEHELKA has found that since 2001, the Rashtriya Swayamsevak Sangh (RSS) has embarked on an ambitious social engineering project to transfer at least 1,600 children from Meghalaya to RSS-friendly schools across Karnataka. The latest batch comprising 160 children arrived in Bengaluru on June 7, 2009. Thirty RSS volunteers accompanied the children on the 50-hour train journey down to the city.

Tukaram Shetty, the RSS organiser responsible for the programme, in conversations spanning three months, candidly admitted to TEHELKA that the children were part of a larger mission launched by the RSS and its affiliate organisations to ‘protect’ people from Christian missionaries active in Meghalaya. “We are committed to nurturing the Hindu way of life. There is a long-term plan envisioned by the RSS to defeat the Christian missionary forces active in Meghalaya while expanding our base in the region. These children form a part of that long-term vision. In the years to come, they will propagate our values amongst their own family members,” A childhood recruit into the RSS fold, Shetty hails from Dakshina Kannada district of Karnataka and has spent close to eight years in Meghalaya – familiarising himself with the terrain and culture.

The RSS programme brings to the fore several concerns operating as it does within the demographic context of Meghalaya. The state is one of the few Christian majority states in India, with 70.25 percent of the population being classified as Christians in the 2001 census. In comparison, Hindus are pegged at 13.27 percent while a category of religious compositions pegged as ‘others’ – a possible reference to the indigenous tribal religions – is at 11.52 percent. The first Christian missionaries arrived in the mid nineteenth century to work amongst the Garo, Khasi and Jaintia tribes living in the region that now comprises Meghalaya. Despite the long entrenched history of Christian conversions in the state, there exists a significant minority population of tribals who have steadfastly continued to practice their indigenous religions – their beliefs often spliced with a thin wedge of resentment against those who have chosen to convert. The RSS plans of ‘expanding the base in the region’ capitalises on this wedge of resentment with children and their education being — as Shetty admits — the starting points of engagement.

The Thinkabettu Higher Primary and Secondary School in remote Uppur — nearly 500 km from Bengaluru — is one of the 35 schools in Karnataka where the children are studying. In 2008, 17 students between six and seven years were brought to this school from Meghalaya. Following instructions from the head of the school, the children of Thinkabettu School stand up, announce their names politely in Kannada, the local language, and sit down again on the bare floor. Ask the head of the school to introduce himself and he refuses, saying, “You have come to see the children, here they are. If I give you my name, you will use it against me.” The only details forthcoming are that he is a retired bank employee and that the school, which is a century old, was started by his father. A woman in the corner is revealed to be his wife, Nirmala.

Introductions done, the children are asked to recite the latest prayer that they have memorised. Hands folded and eyes closed, the children, with shorn heads and in ragged clothes, begin a Brahminical chant that is a tribute to the teacher — Guru Brahma, Guru Vishnu, Guru Devo Maheshwara. The children are sitting in the same hall that serves as their school and hostel. They live and breathe, eat and sleep and study on that same barren floor. A 30-watt bulb, a blackboard and a few books and slates neatly lined up complete the picture. An ancient fridge and a ramshackle sofa separate the children’s space from the kitchen area of the hall.

HARD FACTS

1,600 children brought to Karnataka from Meghalaya since 2001

The latest batch of 160 children arrived in Bengaluru on June 7, accompanied by 30 RSS volunteers

Siblings are always separated to ensure better discipline

Most schools where children are studying are in the communally disturbed coastal districts of Karnataka

While most children are from poorer backgrounds, richer families who are RSS sympathisers pay up to Rs 16,000 a year

Children often forget their native languages

Drawn from remote and often inaccessible villages across four districts in Meghalaya — Ri Bhoi, West Khasi Hills, East Khasi Hills and Jaintia Hills — the children taken by the RSS to study in Karnataka belong to the Khasi and Jaintia tribal communities. Traditionally, the Khasi tribes follow the Seng Khasi religion, while the Jaintias follow Niamtre religion. Ask Manje Gowda, Headmaster at the Sri Adichunchanagiri Higher Primary School in BG Nagar, Mandya district where 38 children from Meghalaya currently study, why students are taken out of Meghalaya and he echoes Shetty’s logic, “If the children had stayed on in Meghalaya they would have been converted to Christianity by now.. The RSS is trying to protect them. The education that the children receive here includes strong cultural values. When they go back home, after their education, they will help propagate these values to their families.”

The cultural values that Gowda talks of imparting to children include familiarity with Brahiminical chants, Hindu religious festivals, and a weaning away from an overwhelmingly non-vegetarian Meghalayan diet to vegetarianism. How could this possibly help the RSS in expanding their base? Shetty told TEHELKA that indoctrination of cultural values and discipline was the first step. “It is important that children imbibe these values early on. It will bring them closer to us and away from the Christian way of life.

We teach them shlokas so they will not recite hymns. We take them away from meat so they will abhor the animal sacrifice that is inherent in their own religion,” he says. “Ultimately, when the RSS tells them that the cow is a sacred animal and that all those who kill and eat it have no place in our society, these children will listen,” he recounts calmly. Are these children being groomed to be the future foot soldiers of RSS? Shetty’s only answer is that they will part of ‘the family’ in one way or another and that time will decide.

As TEHELKA found, across schools in different districts of Karnataka, the cultural values imparted did not vary. The degrees of immersion into the RSS credo, however, depended on the schools the children were placed in. Children who came from financially stable homes were placed in schools with proper educational and hostel facilities since parents were able to pay for them. In these schools, the disciplinary regime imposed on the children was more relaxed compared to the schools where children from poorer families were placed. TEHELKA found that 60 percent of the children it met came from economically weaker families. Subsequently, the schools that these children were placed in resembled the Thinkabettu school in Uppur where both education and lodging facilities were free and dismal.

Most of the schools where the children have been placed are located in the coastal belt of Karnataka, the region that has emerged as the centre of communal violence in the state. The places include Puttur, Kalladka, Kaup, Kollur, Uppur, Deralakatte, Moodbidri in Dakshina Kannada, Udupi and Chikmaglur districts. Besides these, the children have been placed in schools run by influential ashrams such as the JSS Mutt in Suttur, the Adi Chunchanagiri Mutt in Mandya district and the Murugrajendra Mutt in Chitradurga district.

How do children from Meghalaya end up thousands of kilometres away in Karnataka? What is the modus operandi? Almost every child and parent that TEHELKA spoke with identified Tukaram Shetty as the man who proposed the idea of educating children in Karnataka, offered to take the children there and then ultimately accompanied the children to Karnataka.

A former Seva Bharati (an RSS-affiliated community service organization) worker, Shetty is the official face of the Lei Synshar Cultural Society, a shell organisation established to maintain the required official distance from the RSS. In fact, the Lei Synshar Cultural Society is utterly unknown even outside its own head office in Jowai in the Jaintia Hills district. Ask for Tukaram or Bah Ram as he is called in Meghalaya and there are instant flashes of recognition. Outside the capital city, Shillong, right down to the village level, people easily recognise the RSS as the organisation that takes children to Karnataka. The organisation runs three offices in the Jaintia Hills district – in Jowai, Nartiang and Shongpong. Besides, there are several spaces occupied by the Seva Bharati and Kalyan Ashram organizations which help in the identification and transport of children.

RSS organiser Tukaram Shetty candidly admitted that the children were part of a larger RSS mission to ‘protect’ them from Christian missionaries

YOLIN KHARUMINI, a teacher at a local Seng Khasi school and resident at Shillong’s Kalyan Ashram described the process. “We are asked to identify families that have not converted to Christianity and are firm in their belief in indigenous religions — Seng Khasi and Niamtre. Usually, these are families that nurse some form of resentment against Christians. Offers are made to these families to have their children educated in Karnataka. We always tell them that they will be educated according to Seng Khasi or Niamtre traditions.” Kharumini’s own niece, Kerdamon Kharumini, studies in Mangala Nursing School in Karnataka. Lists are drawn up based on the parents’ capacity to afford the child’s education and hostel facilities.

Continuing the narrative, Khatbiang Rymbai, a Class 10 student at Vidya – niketan School in Kaup, Udupi district described in detail how 200 children travelled to Bengaluru from various villages. “There were many young children. So when they divided us into groups of 13-14, the older children were put in charge. In Shillong, we were all given identification tags which had mobile numbers and the Jowai address of the Lei Synshar Cultural Society. From there, we traveled in Tata Sumos to Guwahati to take the train to Bengaluru,” she says. In Bengaluru, they were taken to the RSS office before being split into groups to go to their respective schools.

The children are taught to avoid meat so they will start to abhor the religious sacrifices that are part and parcel of their native religions

In a chilling admission, an RSS worker in Shillong, Prafulla Chandra Koch and the head of the Thinkabettu school told TEHELKA that care is always taken to ensure that any siblings are separated from each other. “It is easier to discipline them if they are not together. We have to control them if we have to mould them. The lesser the contact they have with home, the better it is, really,” he stated.

TEHELKA met with several siblings placed in different schools – Khatbiang’s brother Supplybiang Rymbai was placed in Prashanti Vidya Kendra in Kasargod, Kerala while she studies in Vidyaniketan school near Udupi in Karnataka. Yet another student at Vidyaniketan, Reenborn Tariang admitted to having a sister, Wanboklin Tariang, at the JSS Mutt school in Mysore. Bedd Sympli at the Abhinav Bharati Boys Hostel in Mandya district has a sister studying in Vidyaniketan, Udupi district; Iwanroi Langbang a student at the Adi Chunchanagiri Mutt school in Mandya district had a sister, Daiamonlangki, at the Vanishree school in Shimoga district. There is not one instance of siblings studying together. Ask the children why they were separated and there are no answers.

WHEN TEHELKA asked parents why they had chosen to place their children in different schools, they admitted they were only informed of it several months after the children had started school. Says Klis Rymbai, Khatbiang and Supplybiang’s older sister, “When they left home, all we knew was that they would go to Bengaluru.. We had no details of the school they would go to – not even a name or address. Much later, we realised that Khatbiang and Supplybiang were separated and that they were not in Bengaluru. Khatbiang also told us she was repeating Class VIII after she got admitted into school. The RSS promised to take care of our children and we trusted them.” Klis admits that her family is attempting to bring Supplybiang back to Meghalaya. “He has not adjusted well and is still young so we want him to come back. Khatbiang has already lost a year so it is best she finishes school there,” says Klis. The Rymbais are extremely well off, having made their money through mining in the Jaintia Hills district. The father, Koren Chyrmang, is an RSS sympathiser, who, besides sending his own children, has helped convince other families to send their children across. “He used to be very active but has fallen sick of late This has prevented him from traveling to other villages in this area with the RSS,” says Klis.

The physical and mental impact of studying in school environments diametrically opposed to their culture, language, religion, and food habits has been devastating. In the schools that TEHELKA visited, hostel wardens, heads of schools and the children themselves admitted to having had serious physical problems given the differences in climatic conditions between their villages in Meghalaya and schools in Karnataka. In the Deenabandhu Children’s Home, Chamarajnagar, Karnataka, according to the Secretary, GS Jayadev, the six-year-olds from Meghalaya — Shining Lamo, Sibin Ryngkhlem and Spid Khongshei — had skin rashes for over a month as their bodies tried to acclimatise to the heat of Karnataka. Besides rashes, Spid’s eyes turned bloodshot. Doctors at the hospital where Spid was taken by school authorities told them that it was a natural reaction to the altitudinal differences.

In Thinkabettu school, too, children had severe sunburns on their faces, hands and legs though they had already spent three months in Karnataka when TEHELKA visited them. The situation was no different with the children studying in the Kalabyraveshwara Sanskrit College run by the Adichunchanagiri Mutt in Nagamangala. Of the 11 children from Meghalaya who were placed in this school, the oldest, Iohidahun Rabon (see box) told TEHELKA that the three of the younger ones — Sowatki Chulet, Tailang Nongdam and Perskimlang Nongkrot — were chronically ill since they had not taken to the food being given to them.

The physical and mental impact of living in environments diametrically opposed to their culture, language, religion and food is devastating

The psychological impact of the move was also obvious on several children. In all the schools that TEHELKA visited seeking information about children from Meghalaya, the school authorities summoned the children from their classes and instructed them to introduce themselves in Kannada. For the authorities, it was a matter of great pride that children who had no association with Kannada had been taught the language well. That students who did not know a word of Sanskrit earlier now recited Sanskrit prayers with great clarity. In the Sri Adichunchanagiri Higher Primary School in BG Nagar, Mandya district, the headmaster, Manje Gowda, flung a Kannada newspaper at a student from Meghalaya, ordering him to read it. Obediently, in a low voice, devoid of any expression, the boy proceeded to read a few sentences, before quietly folding and placing the newspaper back on the headmaster’s desk. Till he was sent away, the boy never looked up. In school after school, the same scene unfolded with variations in the demonstrations of skill and familiarity with Kannada and Sanskrit.

While the authorities claimed that the students from Meghalaya had integrated well with the rest, there was overwhelming evidence to suggest otherwise. A few minutes of conversation with the children brought out stories of how they were laughed at because their names were unfamiliar and because they looked different. Invariably, and especially amongst the older students, relationships were forged with others from Meghalaya. In classrooms, six or seven students from Meghalaya squeezed into a bench meant to seat four children. Speaking Kannada had integrated the children only so far. Faced with animosity, they have withdrawn into the familiar. In schools where this was not a possibility given the limited number of students from Meghalaya, they withdrew into themselves.

The locations of the schools did not help alleviate their isolation at all. Iwanroi Langbang, a Class IX student currently staying in Nagamangala (about 150 kms from Bengaluru), talked of her disappointment at not studying in Bengaluru. “We were only told that I would be studying in Bengaluru. It was only after I came here that I heard the name of the school and realised that it was very far from Bengaluru. Here, we are not allowed outside the compound wall. And even if we get away, there is nothing outside,” said Langbang. Her school is located off an isolated stretch of the state highway.

A consequence of completely immersing young children from Meghalaya in a Kannada-speaking environment was visible at the Deenabandhu Children’s Home in Chamarajnagar district. A caretaker at the Home described one child’s growing familiarity with Kannada, “Sibin [one of the children at the Home] has picked up a lot of Kannada in the two months he has been here. During a phone call from a relative back home, he kept answering questions in Kannada which obviously they did not understand at all.” In a shocking display of insensitivity, the caretaker burst into laughter at what she thought was a hilarious incident and added, “For 45 minutes, a woman, I assume his mother, kept trying. Sibin, of course, had no answers since he had forgotten his own language.” She giggled. The caretaker then proceeded to teach Sibin the Kannada word for dinner.

ACCORDING TO Sibin’s birth certificate, he is six. Yet another certificate issued by the village headman of Sibin’s village, Mihmyntdu, certifies that he comes from a poor family and needs help for his education. TEHELKA was unable to contact his parents.

The physical and mental consequences suffered by children from Meghalaya differ from the everyday story of children placed in several thousand boarding schools across the country. That there is a larger plan behind the transportation of these children is something that RSS workers like Koch, have no qualms admitting.

Why are parents willing to send young children aged only six and seven to a distant place? In the face of these overwhelming disadvantages to the children, during visits with parents across eight villages in Meghalaya, TEHELKA found that parents — mostly poor — handed over their children to the RSS in the belief that their kids would be well cared for, as promised. Often, the transportation of children followed kinship routes, with younger siblings following older ones. While this may seem to defy logic, examined closely, it speaks of the intricate web of lies that the RSS has managed to weave, webs that ensnare parents, school authorities and often the children themselves. There are multiple untruths that are the foundation of this entire process.

PARENTS HAVE GIVEN THEIR CONSENT IN WRITING

Why are parents willing to send their children far from home? The mostly poor parents believe the RSS’ promises that the kids will be taken care of

When TEHELKA approached schools in Karnataka seeking papers that legalise the transfers of children across states, letters signed by the village headman or the Rangbah Shnong attesting to the family’s poor economic condition were handed out along with birth and caste certificates. Across different schools that TEHELKA visited, not a single letter was produced with the parents’ signature that stated explicitly that the care of their children was handed over to that particular school. No parent that TEHELKA met in Meghalaya had copies of any signed consent letter signed. Under the Juvenile Justice (Care and Protection of Children) Act, 2000 – such consent letters are mandatory for legal transfers of children.

The transportation of children, then, with no official papers sanctioning the move, is in clear violation of the Juvenile Justice (Care and Protection of Children) Act of 2000. Under this law, the RSS can be held guilty of child trafficking.

THE CHILDREN ARE IN SCHOOLS RUN ACCORDING TO THEIR SENG KHASI OR NIAMTRE RELIGIONS

Amongst the Khasi and Jaintia tribes, there is a tenuous relationship between those who have converted to Christianity and those who have not. The RSS carefully selects children from poor families who have not converted to Christianity. “I was told that the only way to protect my daughter from conversion was to send her outside. If I didn’t, the Church would take them away and make them priests and nuns,” said Biye Nongrum in Swer village. “I was afraid for my daughter and so I agreed to hand her over,” she says. Six years after her daughter left home, Biye has no details of the school that she is studying in. All she has is a class photograph. “I don’t have the money to visit my daughter and bring her back, even if I find out where she is. But I will never send another child away,” she says. Biye ekes out a living by selling sweet pancakes to richer families in the village. The ramshackle house that she shares with her mother and at least three other children further signal her poverty stricken condition. The socioeconomic status of the families are an indication of why it is difficult for the parents to ever bring their children back — they simply cannot afford it.

Several parents told TEHELKA that the RSS schools where their children were studying were schools that upheld their indigenous religions – a rationale that has many takers. In Jel Chyrmang’s home in Mookhep village, TEHELKA found a framed photograph of Jel’s daughter, Rani Chyrmang, being felicitated by the patron saint of her school, Sri Balagangadharnath. Ask Jel who the saffron-robed saint is and she blithely repeats what she has been told, a story that would be hilarious if the circumstances were not so sad. According to Jel, Sri Balagangadharnath is a Seng Khasi saint who runs her daughter’s school. There is no doubt in her voice at all. Jel’s ignorance, however, does not extend to others in the family. Her husband, Denis Siangshai, who contested the recent Lok Sabha elections, turns out to be an RSS worker. Using his daughter as an example, he admitted to having convinced others in the area as well. “People have a wrong notion of RSS. I always tell them that the RSS will give them good education and culture,” says Denis.

The transportation of children without clear consent letters from parents and guardians is a clear violation of the Juvenile Justice Act

Most parents have no idea that the schools chosen by the RSS espouse a different ideology. Besides the forced culturisation, even the libraries and books handed out to the students are RSS publications from recognized right-wing publishing houses in Bengaluru. In the JSS Ashram school, the library was stocked with publications of RSS ideologues published from Bharata Samskruti Prakashana (Indian Culture Publications). No trace of Seng Khasi teachings or Niamtre practices.

THE CHILDREN ARE ABANDONED AND DESTITUTE

For a non-tribal society like Karnataka, the notion of a father abandoning the family is seen as a social and economic disaster. Meghalaya, though, is a matrilineal society, where men move to live with women in their villages. Mothers continue to remain the primary caretakers. Even if the mother dies, the child is brought up by relatives and is never entirely abandoned.

THE CHILDREN HAVE ADJUSTED WELL

When children first leave Meghalaya, parents and children are not aware where the children will ultimately be taken. As direct communication between the children and parents is limited owing to the socio-economic conditions of the parents and the lack of facilities at the schools, the RSS is the main intermediary between the two.. The RSS tells parents that the children are happy and well adjusted in their new environments. The reality is something else.

Raplangki Dkhar, a standard VI student at Vidyaniketan, was clearly waiting for his uncle to come take him home. “Only if people from home come and take us, we can go back. Every year when school ends, we hear that we will be taken back. But it has been two years already,” said a forlorn Raplangki. Only two of the children TEHELKA met had ever returned home to visit. Back in Raplangki’s hometown in Raliang, Meghalaya, when TEHELKA asked his uncle why he had not visited Raplangki, he is surprised, “I had no reason to doubt the fact that my nephew has adjusted well. At every RSS meeting in Jowai we are assured by them that the kids are healthy and happy.”

Direct phone calls between children and parents are dependent entirely on the parents’ finances. If the parents have not been able to pay for the child’s education, the schools that they are placed in are often the free orphanages run by the Mutts, where access to phones is non-existent, as is the case with the free hostel run by the Sri Adichunchanagiri Mutt.

For the RSS, these falsifications are part of a process. A process that is bound to add an additional layer of complexity amongst the people of Meghalaya, quite apart from the mental and social costs inflicted on young children.

From Tehelka Magazine, Vol 6, Issue 26, Dated July 04, 2009

Looking for local information? Find it on Yahoo! Local

Posted by: RR | 1 July 2009

Response to Reconversions in Meghalaya

[Here is a response to the comment by Sylvie to the comment posted yesterday on this blog. I publish it as it is, without any editing]

1 July. The article on the RSS taking Meghalaya children to Karnataka came out on the front page of Shillong Times yesterday June 30. Today in the same paper the RSS denied of transporting Khasi and Jaintia children to karnataka. The RSS spokeman for North East, Shankar Das Kalita said in a statement that, “The RSS disowns sending students to karnataka because RSS never runs schools, hostels and colleges anywhere. RSS runs only Shakhas (unit) of the organization”. He also said, Sending students to Karnataka where the Khasi-Jaintia students got admission do not belong to to RSS. They are run by different trust, mutts, private agencies and government,…

Mr. Kalita das also disowns Tukaram Shetty. He said that Tukaram Shetty was expelled from the organization in 2005.Is this not a lie?

This is the tactic of the RSS. It is the Sangh’ ways of confusing people. The double speak-double-face of the RSS. It is not the first time that the RSS disowns their misdeeds and individuals who are indoctrinated to commit crimes. The RSS can cheat the simple Khasis and Jaintias who are un aware about the Shakhas, mutt, trust… and the alied organizations, private agencies that Shankar Das Kalita speaks about. The Khasis and Jaintias do not even understand what the words Shakhas, mutt, trust… mean.
It is high time for the Tribal of North East to think and look beyond their boundaries so that we are aware of the happenings around and not just believe and trust whatever, whoever comes with sweet words and show kind deeds because such individuals or organizations may be wolves in sheep clothing.

Posted by: RR | 30 June 2009

St Aloysius College Professors in Sweden

Posted by: RR | 30 June 2009

Prof. Pattabhi and My Credo

30 June. One of my friends from the media, was kind enough to suggest my blog post on Prof. Pattabhiram Somayaji to Prof U.R. Ananthamurthy.  In his e-mail to me, he says,

“… UR Ananthamurthy read your blog entry on Pattabhi. Here is his reply, which i am forwarding to you.

Here is a blog entry on Pattabhi Sir’s issue, by one Richard Rego who heads the department of Journalism and Mass Communication in St. Aloysius College, Mangalore.

Felt moved.
u.r.a.”

Both emails – one in italics by my friend and reply in bold by U.R.A. point to the existence of concern for human values. In spite of hardened hearts of the administrators and their puppeteers who tamper  with every system of our society, there are a few committed individuals who stand by their values, values of our Consititution, good of the society, and even risk their job and life! It is indeed heartening.

That is where my credo springs from: There is so much of disorder and chaos in the society. But I still believe in law and  order. There is much intimidation and fear in society. But I still subscribe to democratic values and fearlessness.  There is plenty of sycophancy and hypocrisy in society. But I still believe in being straight forward and honest. Almost everywhere it seems only injustice is ruling the roost. But I still stand for justice irrespective of caste, creed and culture.  There is every room for disappointment and cynicism in our system. But I still have the hope that truth, goodness and beauty will triumph.

Prof Pattabhiram Somayaji, Prof. U.R. Ananthamurthy, Prof. K.L. Ashok, Prof. Phaniraj, Mr Rajshekhar, Ms Gauri Lankesh, Mr Suresh Bhat, Mr Kakkilaya, Teesta Setalvad, Fr Cedrick Prakash, this my media friend (who I dont’ name), … strengthen my hopes of seeing a more just, caring, secure, and peaceful society. A secular, democratic, humane, vibrant  society…

The Centre for Media and Cultural Studies (www.cmcs.tiss. edu
<http://www.cmcstiss.edu/>, Tata
Institute of Social Sciences announces a fellowship for film-makers at
an early stage of their career. The fellowship is designed to provide
the resources and environment for films that are innovative, relevant
and contribute to the growing body of documentary and short film work
in India.

The fellowship consists of:

* A stipend of Rs. 15,000 per month for a maximum period of
five months.
* The provision of in-house HDV equipment including camera and
editing facilities.
* Reimbursement of actuals of production expenses on the basis of
a pre-approved budget. These expenses are expected to be in the region
of 1.5 lakhs, depending on the logistics of the specific project.

In order to be considered for the fellowship applicants are required to
provide:

* A detailed curriculum vitae
* Up to two non-returnable samples of work on DVD/VCD.
* An essay outlining the film proposal in not more than 2000
words. This essay should include: a working title for the film,
language, the central theme of the film, approach to the content and
narrative style, possible visual segments.
* A production schedule with a detailed time frame for: research
and script, cinematography, editing to rough cut, editing to final
cut, submission of all material.
* A budget for other production expenses (e.g. travel, field
expenses, payments to other professionals etc.). Please note that the
fellowship does not support any infrastructural costs such as setting
up of an office, buying of equipment, or per diem costs.
* Names and contact details of two referees, preferably from the
field of media, whom we will contact for a reference if needed.

The fellowship is open to all Indian nationals. An early career
filmmaker is defined as someone who has completed her/his media
education not more than 5 years ago. In case of applicants without a
media degree, they should have made not more than 5 documentary or short
films already.
Only one fellowship is available based on the quality of applications.
Short-listed candidates may have to come for an interview in the second
half of August 2009. Travel will be reimbursed at the rates of three
tier non-AC
train fare against valid tickets.
All proposals must be submitted as hard copies and signed by the film maker.
For any queries please contact: cmcs.fellowships@ gmail.com
<mailto:cmcs. fellowships% 40gmail.com>

Last date for receipt of applications is July 25, 2009

Terms of the fellowship:

o The selected fellow will be paid her/his fellowship amount on a
monthly basis and for production expenses in instalments as and when
needed.
o The footage and final film produced will remain with the
Digital Archive of the Centre. However, the fellow might retain a copy
of the same, for her/his personal use. The copyright will be held
jointly by the fellow and the Centre. The film will be distributed by
the Centre as a part of its catalogue of productions. The fellow may
also distribute the film. The Centre will be cited in the credits as
the Producer of the film and the fellow will be cited as Director of
the said film.
o The fellow is expected to adhere to the time schedule s/he
proposes. Any changes should be notified in advance.
o There will be a small advisory committee for each project.
The committee will facilitate the work of the fellow. S/he is
expected to keep in touch with the committee on a regular basis and
discuss and share her/his work at every stage (shooting script/ rough
edit and final edit).
o The fellow is expected to begin work by October 2009 and
complete their films by February 2010, but these dates are negotiable.

Posted by: RR | 29 June 2009

Will Pattabhi Be Silenced?

29 June. Prof. Pattabhi Somayaji, the powerful voice against the oppressors of human rights, is -once again- in trouble. For defending human rights! From the University of Mangalore – The Temple of Learning!

The thinker and human rights activist has been in the eye of a storm in the last few years for his stand against the divisive forces in society. Ever since the right-wing government came to power in Karnataka, his critics have had a field day –  troubling him with false allegations and accusations.

When Churches were attacked in Mangalore and in Karnataka (September 2008), when attacks took place on innocent muslims, when state and administrative machinery were unconstitutionally (ab) used against civilians, Prof. Pattabhi stood up and was  heard.

But everytime he stood up, the “high and the mighty” tried to suppress him. ‘Suppress the voice – destroy a nation’ kind of philosophy has been at the root of right wing’s agenda, in troubling the respected professor.

This time the allegation is – once again- his stand against attack on girls in a Mangalore pub! It may be recalled that a few months ago a local pub was attacked by Sangh parivar’s violent youth wing bajrang dal, and girls were brutally attacked, their pictures were forcibly taken and distributed in the media – in a campaign to malign them. Prof Pattabhi had vehemently  condemned the attack.  NDTV had spoken to him in Mangalore – but even before his interview was aired on NDTV, he was served a show-cause notice! This is by a university which is incapable of declaring exam results/ issuing marks cards even six months after the exams are over!  Where else can such absurd things take place, S.L. Bhairappa!

The University has ordered a departmental inquiry against the professor for allegedly “hurting the hindu sentiments”. It has said the professor  MAY appear before an inquiry committee. If he does not, UNILATERAL action will be taken against him!

Moral of the story: lick the boots of your bosses – never mind who pays for that. Don’t do your work -”just sign the register” and take home fat salaries; never question social, political, religious disorders! Unfortunate. Unfortunate for a temple of learning!

Posted by: RR | 29 June 2009

How the ‘miracle of aggregation’ works

How the ‘miracle of aggregation’ works
RADHEER MAHENDRAKAR

Our democracy is safe in the hands of the Indian voter

A few weeks ago, as the Indian electorate across the country started casting their votes, my interest in Indian elections started galloping. A deep dive into elections made me realise that the 15th general elections were going to be an inflection point which could change the course of Indian politics.

As I woke up on the day of counting, two thoughts crossed my mind. First, what message will the Indian voter convey in the current elections? Second, on what basis does the Indian electorate vote? As I am neither a psephologist nor an astrologer, I kept these questions to myself to get the answers through the Indian voter. For generations we have accepted the ‘press’ as a vital element of democracy. It has been known as the Fourth Estate because it has come to represent a counterbalance to the executive, legislature and judiciary.

Signs of dilution

In politics, it is fair to say that the Indian voter is the Fourth Estate representing a counterbalance to the political parties of different ideologies — the Left, Right and Centre. Time and again, the Indian voter has drawn the contours of dos and don’ts in politics and chastened the parties when our democracy showed signs of dilution.

The first signs of dilution of democracy were evident when Indira Gandhi imposed emergency. In the general elections of 1977, the electorate firmly rejected authoritarianism and voted Indira out of office. Afterwards, she changed tack, and won the elections in 1980. The lesson taught by the Indian voter had such salutary effect that no political party has ventured in that direction since then.

The second signs of dilution were evident when caste-based politics got heightened at the national level as the V. P. Singh government decided to implement the recommendations of the Mandal Commission. Later, in the 1991 elections, the Janata Dal made a poor showing and slowly receded into background thereafter.

The third signs of dilution were evident when religion became an important factor in Indian politics. The BJP saw a meteoric rise on the basis of the ‘Hindutva’ movement. From winning a mere two seats in 1984, it won 182 seats in 1999. But since then, the BJP’s vote share has declined and has fallen to 18 per cent in the 2009 elections. The Indian voter has shown that the ‘Hindutva’ brand of politics is acting as a limiting factor and has sent ominous signs for the BJP to revisit its ideology.

The fourth signs of dilution were evident when regionalism threatened to get ahead of nationalism. Many regional parties envisaged a greater role at the Centre at the cost of national parties. The voter has firmly rejected any such wild proposition and decisively shown that the national parties will be at the centre stage and the regional parties at the periphery.

The Indian electorate

Coming to the second thought raised in the article, on what basis does Indian electorate vote? To talk about Indian voter in a singular sense amidst manifold heterogeneity in India is a stupendous task. Among the Indian electorate, for some caste, for some religion, for some charisma, for some poll promises of free rice and for some performance, would matter.

The “Miracle of aggregation” — an idea formalised in a mathematical demonstration by the social theorist Marquis de Condorcet — seems to work in Indian democracy. He showed that a group trying to reach a decision by a majority vote (and in which each individual is making an independent judgment) is very likely to reach a correct decision even if each individual is only slightly more likely to reach the correct conclusion than he would simply by flipping a coin. Applied to electoral politics, Condorcet’s logic suggests that the electorate as a whole may be much wiser than any individual voter.

Any doubt on the collective wisdom of the Indian voter has been put to rest in the current elections.

The fact that people think differently at different times makes today’s issues irrelevant tomorrow. As the election results were out, I took comfort in the fact that our democracy is in safe hands — the Indian voter.
© Copyright 2000 – 2009 The Hindu
Date:28/06/2009 URL: http://www.thehindu.com/thehindu/op/2009/06/28/stories/2009062850011200.htm

29 June. Education is not  only about listening lectures, doing homeworks, reading a few books, and sitting a few exams! There is more to education than meets the eye. If any doubt, have a look at St Aloysius College, Mangalore.

concentrating in the class - for a spiritual experience

concentrating in the class - for a spiritual experience

Two days – 29 & 30 June are reserved for spiritual renewal of our degree college students. Two days of retreat, prayer, reflection,

Meaningful discussions and sharing a part of the retreat for General Group students

Meaningful discussions and sharing a part of the retreat for General Group students

and understanding of oneself, the other and the divine.

Over 3,500 students  are undergoing the retreat for these two days to experience

Another way of being in touch with themselves

Another way of being in touch with themselves

the divine. Fr Francis Almeida SJ who is organising this spiritual

The Catholic congregation of students in the PUC Loyola Hall - deeply immersed in the spiritual exercise

The Catholic congregation of students in the PUC Loyola Hall - deeply immersed in the spiritual exercise

experience for the students has done a lot of home work to contact many a resource person to guide the youngsters. A few College lecturers from St Aloysius, along with some more jesuits and other priests are leading the students through this pilgrimage.

While Catholic students have one type of retreat -typically Christian-, others have personality development and prayer excercises, so that  all the students are cared for.

[For more photos please visit www.staloysiuscollege.wordpress.com - in the evening. Now it is noon 2.50pm]

Posted by: RR | 28 June 2009

Art of Darkness – On Binodebehari Mukherjee

Here are a couple of pieces sent by my friend & former student and a journalist – an avid reader. In his mail he writes, “…I  am sending you an article by Giridhar Khasnis on Binodebehari Mukherjee which appeared in today’s Deccan Herald – sunday magazine. The master painter was a teacher to Satyajit Ray in Shanthiniketan. SR later did a documentray on BM. I am also sending a revie i had written, during my college days, on the documentary THE INNER EYE, by SR on BM. Happy reading.

Art of darkness

‘One cannot think of any other artist struck by blindness using this singular misfortune, as Benodebehari did, to unlock the doors of a whole new universe of perception and spelling it out in writing with comparable precision, poetry and humour, or to analyse the psychological stresses he had to undergo following it with comparable incisiveness and candor.’ K G Subramanyan

Benodebehari Mukherjee (1904-80) was still a young boy when doctors declared that he would go blind, sooner or later. They told his father, “If he goes for studies your son will lose even what little eyesight he has; improvemeA papercut by Benodebehari in 1959 after he turned blind.nt in his general health can help. But no eye specialist can.”

How this weak-sighted boy to whom all the schools of Calcutta refused admission found a place in Santiniketan thanks to the intervention of Gurudev Rabindranath Tagore; how he overcame seemingly insurmountable odds in personal and creative arena; how he went on to become a celebrated artist and writer — these are facts fit only for legends.

For all his achievements and artistic triumphs, Benodebehari (1904-1980) preferred to work in silence and relative anonymity, keeping himself away from the limelight. In his essay, ‘Benodebehari Mukherjee: Life, Context, Work’, art historian Siva Kumar explains the great master’s standing as an artist, teacher and writer who made a definitive contribution to modern Indian art. “There are few artists in the recent history of Indian art who worked with such intensity of purpose and application, and fewer still who gave expression to their deepest realisations in such quietness and without drawing attention to themselves. Though this was exemplary, as a consequence Benodebehari’s life and work remain little known even today, a century after his birth.”

The same sentiment is expressed by eminent artist and educator K G Subramanyan who was Benodebehari’s student and associate in Santiniketan. Subramanyan likens Benodebehari’s personality to that of a withdrawn Taoist monk, who sought speechless rapport with the inner rhythm of an iridescent world.

“Although he lived up to the age of 76, for long years Benodebehari was known only to an intimate group of people comprising friends, colleagues and students. Only they knew that he was an artist of great distinction, a teacher of immense resource and influence, a highly articulate thinker whose analytic intellect was matched by an extraordinary facility for direct and lucid exposition, and a profound student of art history and aesthetics. He came before the public eye only in the last 10 years of his life, when he was elected Fellow of the Lalit Kala Akademi, honoured by the government as Padma Vibhushan and by Visva-Bharati as ‘Desikottama’, and when Satyajit Ray, well-known filmmaker, made the celebrated documentary, The Inner Eye, presenting his life and work. Ten years earlier, when an article on Benodebehari was presented to one of the known dailies of Calcutta, the editor had not even heard his name.”

Unnatural infancy
Benodebehari grew up with five brothers but due to his weak eyesight he had an unnatural infancy. “I sat at home and read books or painted, as I pleased. Everyone went to school, I didn’t…My infancy and childhood passed without any companions of my own age. I had no playmates, nor did I learn to play.”

A meeting with Gurudev became a defining moment in his life. Even after knowing about his weak eyesight, Tagore admitted him to Kala Bhavana in Santiniketan. When the eminent artist Nandalal Bose (who was the teacher) expressed reservations — ‘how could anyone paint when he could hardly see?’ — it was Tagore’s urging that came to the rescue of Benodebehari once again. (“If he, Benodebehari, sits in his assigned place and works with interest, let him be. Don’t worry about his future. Let each find his own way out.”)

Although their relationship began with doubts and uncertainties, both Nandalal and Benodebehari came to respect and regard each other highly in the following years. Benodebehari himself became a teacher for a while in a junior school but could not continue for long. His teachers and friends arranged for his becoming a librarian of the Kala Bhavana Library.

“I often wonder where I got my early training from?” reminisced Benodebehari in later life. “From Nandalal, the library or this stark environment of Santiniketan? Without Nandalal I would not have learned my skills, without the library known what I know and without the experience of that stark image of nature, painted as I did.”

In his artistic career, Benodebehari took on a wide variety of themes and subjects, rendering each one with his unique perception and insight. As Subramanyan points out, the visual world around was his paramount interest, the plain and palpable world unvarnished by any mythology or romance. “The look of a tree, the turn of a leaf, the delicate architecture of a flower, the speaking gestures of animate and inanimate objects, the varying densities of space, all these were enough to keep him engrossed; he found all the drama he needed in their midst.”
If paintings seemed to be his forte, Benodebehari excelled in murals as well, leaving indelible impression on his associates and viewers. “Each of them has reigning concepts of great sensitivity and originality, unparalleled in modern Indian mural art, and each has details that haul in environmental and historical reference, visual shifts and innuendoes, and even as they delineate legible facts or episodes frame to frame, link into an abstract rhythmic structure in the total image.”

Great tragedy
Benodebehari became totally blind in 1957 after an eye operation. He was 53 and was at the height of his creative powers. “This was a great tragedy, which would have easily broken down a lesser person,” writes Subramanyan. “But Benodebehari would not accept defeat; he continued to be active as a visual artist for quite a while — making drawings, wax sculpture, folded paper forms and, with the help of known assistants, collages, lithographs and etchings. In his final years, he devoted more time to writing and less to visual expression.”

Benodebehari’s celebrated literary piece Chitrakar provides exceptional hints about his life from childhood till he became blind. “I was born in the year 1904 and this is 1979,” he writes in the preface. “In this long life many things have happened.  But only some of these have become an essential part of one’s life…Each man’s experience of life is quite unique. But still, men do have certain common experiences through which they understand each other. But it has fallen to me to have a kind of experience that is not easily comparable to anyone else’s. A passage from the world of light to the world of darkness opened a new chapter in my life. The story of this experience is the main burden of this book.”

When it appeared in the well-known Bengali literary journal Ekhon, Chitrakar took the reading public by storm. Written with rare insight and honesty, the work presents poignant scenes from the artist’s life. It begins with a simple statement: ‘I see my childhood in the grey light of my memory.’ And ends with a moving admission: ‘Now I am an ambassador of darkness in this world of light.’

The world has witnessed many a people who in spite of many a hurdles in their lives have achieved ‘self-actualization’. Some of them have social hurdles some economical and some physical. The last one appears to be the most difficult of all the hurdles. One such man is Binode Behari Mukherjee, who was a man who painted though he was visually impaired. He was a student at Rabindranath Tagore’s ‘Shantiniketan’ and later became a teacher there. He inspired many a people around the world. How could he have not inspired the legendry filmmaker Satyajit Ray, a degree holder from Shantiniketan, to make a film?

In the year 1972, Satyajit Ray made a documentary on his teacher Binode Behari Mukherjee, titled ‘The Inner Eye’.

The film begins with the scenes of the sketches and cut outs done by Binode Behari for the walls of Shantiniketan. And the narration (by Ray himself) tells us that the artist who created the art is blind. Then the film goes on to tell the audience the life story of the artist, who was one eyed from birth but still interested in art, who joins Shantiniketan and studies under Nandalal Bose and later on joins the same institute as a faculty, his visit to Japan, his joining the national museum at Kathmandu as the curator and then starting his own art school in Mussorrie. The last part of the film says that in the year 1957 at the age of 53 the artist looses his sight completely and still continues his painting and also shows us the visually impaired artist doing beautiful sketches. With a quote of Binode Behari on blindness the 28 minute film ends.

Ray has a promising title to the film but the film doesn’t live up to that. The title ‘inner eye’ moves deep inside from the surface level, but the film doesn’t speak anything about the inner eye of Binode Behari. It is just the life sketch of a painter and nothing about him looks extra ordinary for most of the time in the film. While watching the life sketch also the narrator just says that the artist has a style of his own. But doesn’t say what the individuality is. The title says ‘inner eye’ but the film doesn’t say anything much about the inner eye.

Nandalal Bose is said to have rejected Binode Behari as a student as he was blind partially. But it is Tagore who convinces Nandalal Bose to take Binode Behari as a student. Later on while Binode Behari turns completely blind Nandalal Bose visits Binode Behari and asks him to show his latest paintings and Binode Behari does. The interesting part is that after showing his own paintings Binode Behari asks Nandalal Bose to show his Paintings to him. And when Bose does show Binode his paintings Binode Behari asks his friend to move his finger over the lines and then while moving his finger over the lines he says which colour has been used.

This is the inner eye of Binode Behari which we don’t get to see in the film. All we get to know is his life sketch which doesn’t appear all that great while watching the film as it is plain narration of the events of his life in chronological order like a history book. The film is an injustice done to the inner eye of Binode Behari, it appears to me.

Satyajit Ray doesn’t live up to the promise he shows in the title.

 This story is from the latest (July 4) issue of ‘Tehelka’ which has done pioneering investigative reporting on several issues in India. It makes strange reading since Meghalaya is one of the few Christian majority states in India, with 70.25 percent of the population being classified as Christians in the 2001 census. Doesn’t this classify as “forced conversion” of children, many of whom are from poor families? This is the kind of story one should be reading in Christian weeklies like the Examinere and Indian Currents. Will this story wake up our “dialoguing” bishops?

A Strange And Bitter Crop

An ambitious RSS social engineering project is transporting children from Meghalaya to Karnataka to bring them up ‘the Hindu way,’ discovers SANJANA. Photographs by S RADHAKRISHNA
image
Culture by rote Sixyear- old Meghalaya children chant shlokas in Thinkabettu School

IN AN investigation spanning 35 schools across Karnataka and four districts in Meghalaya, TEHELKA has found that since 2001, the Rashtriya Swayamsevak Sangh (RSS) has embarked on an ambitious social engineering project to transfer at least 1,600 children from Meghalaya to RSS-friendly schools across Karnataka. The latest batch comprising 160 children arrived in Bengaluru on June 7, 2009. Thirty RSS volunteers accompanied the children on the 50-hour train journey down to the city.

Tukaram Shetty, the RSS organiser responsible for the programme, in conversations spanning three months, candidly admitted to TEHELKA that the children were part of a larger mission launched by the RSS and its affiliate organisations to ‘protect’ people from Christian missionaries active in Meghalaya. “We are committed to nurturing the Hindu way of life. There is a long-term plan envisioned by the RSS to defeat the Christian missionary forces active in Meghalaya while expanding our base in the region. These children form a part of that long-term vision. In the years to come, they will propagate our values amongst their own family members,” A childhood recruit into the RSS fold, Shetty hails from Dakshina Kannada district of Karnataka and has spent close to eight years in Meghalaya – familiarising himself with the terrain and culture.

The RSS programme brings to the fore several concerns operating as it does within the demographic context of Meghalaya. The state is one of the few Christian majority states in India, with 70.25 percent of the population being classified as Christians in the 2001 census. In comparison, Hindus are pegged at 13.27 percent while a category of religious compositions pegged as ‘others’ – a possible reference to the indigenous tribal religions – is at 11.52 percent. The first Christian missionaries arrived in the mid nineteenth century to work amongst the Garo, Khasi and Jaintia tribes living in the region that now comprises Meghalaya. Despite the long entrenched history of Christian conversions in the state, there exists a significant minority population of tribals who have steadfastly continued to practice their indigenous religions – their beliefs often spliced with a thin wedge of resentment against those who have chosen to convert. The RSS plans of ‘expanding the base in the region’ capitalises on this wedge of resentment with children and their education being — as Shetty admits — the starting points of engagement.

The Thinkabettu Higher Primary and Secondary School in remote Uppur — nearly 500 km from Bengaluru — is one of the 35 schools in Karnataka where the children are studying. In 2008, 17 students between six and seven years were brought to this school from Meghalaya. Following instructions from the head of the school, the children of Thinkabettu School stand up, announce their names politely in Kannada, the local language, and sit down again on the bare floor. Ask the head of the school to introduce himself and he refuses, saying, “You have come to see the children, here they are. If I give you my name, you will use it against me.” The only details forthcoming are that he is a retired bank employee and that the school, which is a century old, was started by his father. A woman in the corner is revealed to be his wife, Nirmala.

Introductions done, the children are asked to recite the latest prayer that they have memorised. Hands folded and eyes closed, the children, with shorn heads and in ragged clothes, begin a Brahminical chant that is a tribute to the teacher — Guru Brahma, Guru Vishnu, Guru Devo Maheshwara. The children are sitting in the same hall that serves as their school and hostel. They live and breathe, eat and sleep and study on that same barren floor. A 30-watt bulb, a blackboard and a few books and slates neatly lined up complete the picture. An ancient fridge and a ramshackle sofa separate the children’s space from the kitchen area of the hall.
For full story, pl go to: http://www.tehelka.com/story_main42.asp?filename=Ne040709a_strange.asp

Posted by: RR | 27 June 2009

SARANG 107.8 FM -Workshop Ends

27 June. It was a week worth spent – training our students in Community Radio program production and RJ-ing. All three resource persons did a good job. Krishna Pradeep, my former student did well to give a good account to his Alma Mater in content production – two days of sweat and labour for him for his Mass Communication Department & for his College!

We ended up producing some good programmes. Acquiring some wonderful skills.

One heart-warming aspect: two of our high school boys participated actively in this. Their enthusiasm was contagious! The boys did a wonderful job, i must say. Future is bright. Community Radio is here to stay!

The College Student Council Election took place. News will be tomorrow!

Posted by: RR | 26 June 2009

Watch this Video

Posted by: RR | 26 June 2009

MJ No More

27 June. Michael Jackson is no more. The king of pop no more. The “ultimate dance master” no more.

The end came too early to be believed! But the fact is he is no more! From no one in the white country to the pinnacle of glory to dishonour and in  struggle to regain the lost glory… and ultimately to that one state of life – which each of us must inherit!

At one time, I was -sort of- an MJ fan. Not avid though. But sure, one of the very few names in English music world I knew were that of MJ – his voice, mercurial movements, and “unconventional dance”.

Sandhya was sad.  She said “Micheal Jackson is dead!” I said coldly, ” yes, he is dead!” Did not want feelings to surface in the class – and then it would be something else other than our purpose of gathering. But I did (do) feel he died a bit too young! Wee bit sad. A regret.

May God grant him Eternal Rest. A voice has fallen silent – at least on the stage, if not in people’s hearts. But MJ will be immortal through his songs, music, dance.. An artist never dies!

Is It Too Late to Save (Newspaper) Journalism?

Aaron Harber Posted: June 23, 2009


Why Liberal Foundations Won’t Save Newspapers

June 21, 2009 — As many of America’s newspapers slim down, fold, or declare bankruptcy, a number of cries have come from the industry pleading for help from foundations and organizations they know could, and they believe should, save them. What the sinking victims failed to understand was those entities with vast financial resources have little interest in spending precious funds on an industry which appears to be dying. Their thinking is, “Why throw good money after bad?”

Regrettably, the rapid decimation of journalism unexpectedly occurred simultaneously with the loss by these same philanthropic entities of hundreds of billons of dollars in the aggregated value of their endowments along with a concomitant decline in their new charitable receipts. This meant many of these organizations took a “time out” from new major giving so they could support existing projects while trying to figure out what happened to their own organizations financially. The result was the organizations which could have helped had relatively little interest in providing assistance to journalism on the scale it needed.

The Self-Inflicted Demise of Newspapers

Certainly some failures in the new industry were due to mismanagement. Others were due to overleveraged acquisitions. In some cases, financial transactions by parent companies put unrealistic and unfair pressures on otherwise healthy businesses which were part of a conglomerate. The same situations apply today in the world of radio and television, where cuts are being made daily.

From a news and information perspective, there is the belief the demise of traditional news organizations is due in great part to the growth of Internet. If readers and viewers can get the information they want online at no cost, why should they subscribe to newspapers or tolerate television news programs — both of which overflow with invasive advertising? If they can go to the Web and get what they want, when they want it (although Web ads also can be invasive despite pop-up blockers), how can a newspaper (which some readers consider out-of-date by the time it arrives) or even a television station compete? With a news cycle now measured in minutes — not days or hours — the cyber world’s domination is a harsh reality for slower platforms.

Has the End Occurred and Is Only Mopping Up Left?

These questions force those in the news business to question whether or not there is any model for success in a news industry where journalistic integrity once reigned. There is little argument that most of what is written on the Web fails to meet even minimal journalistic standards. But if the readers and viewers making choices don’t know the difference, it is understandable they would be unlikely to care.

Good journalism is expensive and it is that cost which has been the death of so many press entities. It is that expense which will continue to wreak havoc in the industry — causing more newspapers to minimize operations or shut down, with radio and television stations likely to eventually follow. In the future, everything will be “on demand” and online.

As a result, the news is being taken over by special interest groups. Whether it’s a lone blogger on a Website or a lobbying group distributing information on a national basis, requirements such as fact-checking, avoiding bias, being thorough, etc., no longer are primary concerns. And, in some cases, they are not concerns at all.

Everyone Knows Journalism Is Integral to Democracy, But Who Cares?

Individual stories aside, the greatest loss to our country is the traditional role the free press has played as an integral part of our republic. America without journalism will be a nation which loses its way.

Much has been written about this loss and its seriousness as far as the future of democracy in America is concerned. Journalists’ roles in creating accountability, promoting transparency for citizens, keeping government entities and myriad businesses in check, exposing corruption, and simply functioning as a balance to the extremes our nation and its predecessors have seen in the arenas of government and commerce have been and are invaluable. These remain absolute necessities for anyone who wants our country to survive and prosper.

But today, no one wants to pay for these benefits. In fact, it is questionable if anyone appreciates or even understands these benefits. If readers and viewers believe they can get what they want at no cost, again, why would they pay for it?

A Free-Market Test of Quality Journalism

In Denver, The Rocky Mountain News half-heartedly sought a buyer for a few months (management decisions were similar to a family waiting to take a relative who had been ill for months to the hospital as he was gasping his last breath) and then shut down when no sale occurred.

A number of prominent Rocky reporters and photographers banded together and created a very robust and credible online newspaper entitled INDenverTimes. Although the paper’s name did not help it (perhaps “The Denver Times” or “The Denver News” or something more traditional would have helped), its quality was surprisingly good for a newspaper put together with minimal resources and even less time.

INDenverTimes asked Coloradans to chip in less than $5 a month to subscribe to the online edition with the hope 50,000 people would participate. That would have meant only 20% or so of the Rocky’s approximately 250,000 subscribers needed to pitch in to keep theRocky alive, albeit under a different banner.

Had Rocky readers done so, the operation would have had $3 million annually from subscriptions to fund its journalistic endeavors. This also would have bought enough time to successfully solicit and generate advertising contracts which had the potential to double those revenues.

Surprisingly Little Crossover in Colorado’s Newspaper War

It was surprising the dominant Denver Post, with approximately 300,000 subscribers, overlapped very little with the Rocky. In fact, only 14,000 people and businesses subscribed to both newspapers (disclosure: I was one of those few who took both papers).

Nevertheless, only 3,000 people (disclosure: I was one of them) in an area populated by 4 million people (i.e., less than 1/10th of 1%) were willing to make a commitment to subscribe. While INDenverTimes somehow continues to exist and does an amazing job with limited resources, it already has lost many of its great staff members due to their need to have a paying job. And its readership has dwindled to the point where securing advertising revenue will be quite difficult.

Why Pay for Anything That Is Free?

The reality: “Why should Coloradans pay for an online newspaper when they can get The Denver Post online at no charge?” The Post is a superb newspaper and was made even better when it was forced to compete with The Rocky Mountain News. Everyone in Colorado benefitted from this spirited competition. Both newspapers forced each other to stretch and their product was exceptional in many respects.

While The Post – a historically critically important part of every aspect of life in Colorado and the Rocky Mountain West — continues to function as if it still were competing with theRocky for stories, it, too, is under great financial pressure. And it knows it has many other competitors, especially in the cyber world.

So How Can Journalism Be Saved?

So what is the solution for saving journalism? Newspapers, in particular, know they need to reduce their costs and every one of them is in the process of doing just that. Staffs are being trimmed, newsprint orders are being reduced, newspapers are shrinking page sizes and page numbers, travel is being restricted, and other expenses are being cut. Managers know they need to have a local focus and all of them do. They know they need to have an online presence and they all have one. Unfortunately, all this is not going to be enough.

Sadly, journalism guaranteed its own demise by functioning in the exact manner which is diametrically opposed to what it expects of others. Rather than being transparent and making a point of allowing citizens to see how journalism really works — hence educating the masses about the value of journalism — journalists arrogantly assumed everyone knew what they did and knew they were working in the best interests of their communities, states, and country.

Journalism as a Black Box

In reality, journalism operated in a black box — with information gathered by reporters somehow being turned into news stories. The public rarely saw how hard reporters often worked to get stories. However, they often did see mistakes which gave the impression reporters were lazy — depending too much on press releases and quick interviews to accomplish most of their work.

Citizens did not see the careful research which went into many stories. They did not observe the discussions and debates which occurred in newsrooms with reporters, editors, and publishers about how a story should be written, what was appropriate to include or exclude, and what the impacts of certain revelations might be. And when a critical decision was made not to run a story, the public almost never knew about it.

“Trust Me” Doesn’t Work Anymore

This “Trust us, we work for you” paternalistic mentality was too similar to the “We’re from the government — we’re here to help you” philosophy so many journalists and members of the public saw as disingenuous (and of which the public is mistrustful).

The reality is very few citizens know the standards to which journalists attempt to adhere. So, when they compare good journalism to what some blogger (such as myself) may write online, it is unreasonable to assume they perceive a significant difference. Most of them don’t make any distinction at all.

And even this entire discussion begs the questions raised about the biases of journalists and how organizations with high journalistic standards seek to address and mitigate those biases. Again, the public never sees any of those endeavors to be unbiased and accurate either. Journalists deal with these challenges so frequently, they are second nature. Unfortunately, they fail to realize citizens are isolated from these efforts to maintain high integrity.

The Road to Success Is a Long One

So what can newspapers and philanthropic organizations do to turn the tide or at least slow down and eventually stop the bleeding? Here are some elements which could be considered for inclusion in a possible recipe for success.

1. Patience. Recognize any real solutions are going to be long-term in nature. Planning and commitments need to be made with this perspective. An initial 10-year plan makes sense. Turning around the industry means turning around the country. It could easily be a two-decade process.

2. Hard Data. Institute systems to establish baseline information regarding the challenges journalism faces and then measure the progress, or lack thereof, of any efforts to turn the tide. It is important to know the facts — especially when they are not favorable. It is this negative information which will help newspapers formulate the most effective strategies for success.

3. Open the Black Box. Have every participating newspaper dedicate a small part of its front page to “The story behind the story.” This also would be prominently promoted and provided online. The feature would be a description of how the story was researched and written. It would make a point of highlighting certain elements of good journalism.. The concept would be to begin to educate readers about journalism and what is special about their newspaper. Exploiting the unlimited space available online to provide far more detail about how stories were developed and written is a significant benefit good journalists have in cyberspace. This is one way to use the online world advantageously.

4. Don’t Be Shy. Have reporters, photographers, and editors use the Web, Facebook, MySpace, Twitter, etc. to provide a constant (albeit sometimes delayed, if necessary) account of their work and the challenges they face daily. It actually is interesting and even riveting at times. Newspapers already have entered the video world and this will expand.. The journalistic process could be a constant storyline which would educate and entertain.

5. Recognize the Competition. Begin running stories on an ongoing basis comparing the journalistic integrity and accuracy of various news sources as a way to educate citizens about the range in quality of the information they get. This also will force newspapers to seek, achieve, and maintain high standards themselves because they will have to assume there will be responses to this quality assurance initiative. And it may spread the best qualities of journalism elsewhere in the cyber world — with unpredictable consequences which could include the merging of old and new entities.

6. Educate Early. Philanthropic organizations should team up with journalism producers to help expand the distribution of newspapers — both print and online versions — to schools and nonprofit institutions in every community. If annual subscriptions were provided at cost (e.g., perhaps at an average of $20 each (one local newspaper in the Denver metro area already strategically has a $13 annual daily subscription for teachers and students), assuming certain economies of scale and the marginal cost of production, an annual national investment of just $100 million could result in 5 million new subscriptions to students and teacher. With approximately 25,000,000 students in public middle and high school grades, that would translate to one daily newspaper per five students, or an average of one newspaper for each student on one day of each week — a relatively high penetration rate. And this would be in addition to the existing efforts of hundreds of newspapers today. The combination of new and existing outreach efforts could have extraordinary impacts if they achieved an educational critical mass.

7. Create Direct Relationships. Local journalists could mentor students in elementary, middle, and high schools as they develop their own school newspapers. Educating them about journalism careers, journalistic ethics, journalistic objectives could create an entire new generation of journalists — including many whose work would be online. Journalists are some of the smartest people around (just ask them). Getting directly involved in their own communities can only be a win/win/win for developing readership, finding new sources and stories, and creating a positive understanding and impression of newspapers. Many newspapers already have educational outreach programs, provide speakers to schools, and are otherwise involved in their communities. Greatly expanding these efforts, in conjunction with philanthropic funding, could generate significant results.

8. Make the Future Happen Today. Skip silly projects such as having people print out their own newspapers (no one wants to pay for the paper and ink — and such endeavors foolishly forfeit printing economies of scales and, therefore, are wasteful). Instead, jump a generation or two and develop a holographic or similar high-tech electronic newspaper (maybe even a virtual reality newspaper where your avatar turns the pages for you) which allows the reader to scan and process large volumes of information quickly and then select what he or she wants to read. The concept is to combine the unique experience of reading a physical newspaper with the advantages of online versions. The latter allows one to have pre-targeted information highlighted, read expanded articles, view numerous photographs, watch related videos, see charts and graphs, view and hear interviews, go to related sources (articles, columns, and Websites), and visit advertisers’ Websites as well as get coupons — all while having information updated constantly. The former allows the reader to use more of his or her brain (still the fastest computer around in this arena), scan headlines, partially and fully read stories quickly, go back-and-forth faster than the Web today while constantly making decisions about what to read (although that will soon be reversed), and view far more information quickly than is presented on a single monitor (i.e., without scrolling). Individually-designed newspapers also are easily done when they are electronic in nature — the ultimate in customization. If all of these features are combined, newspapers and high quality journalism can survive and prosper — even if the reality is they ultimately all will be electronic in form.

There Still Is Time to Save Journalism

The premise is journalists need to begin to educate America on a large scale about why they and journalism are so important. If citizens do not know what they are losing, they will not care if high-quality journalism disappears. They won’t even know it happened. And the public certainly will not pay for a higher quality product unless citizens conclude that, indeed, they actually are purchasing a higher quality product which has significant value to them.

As more and more Americans eventually understand and appreciate what quality journalism brings to them and what it means to their communities and our nation, press organizations will have a better chance of achieving financial success and stability, even if they still exist only in cyberspace. Now is time for journalists to make their case…before it truly is too late.


Aaron Harber hosts
The Aaron Harber Show, seen Tuesdays at 8:00 pm and Wednesdays at 5:00 pm on PBS Station KBDI-TV Channel 12 and viewable 24/7 at www.HarberTV.com. Harber provided software to one of the nation’s first efforts a quarter century ago to automate newspapers (Knight-Ridder’s VIEWDATA project) and has written columns for a number of publications for a similar period. Send e-mail to Aaron@HarberTV.com. (C) Copyright 2009 by Aaron Harber and USA Talk Network, Inc. All rights reserved.
[Thanks to my friends & well-wisher Mr John Thomas for drawing my attention to this one!]

Posted by: RR | 24 June 2009

SARaNg 107.7 Community Radio Tests On Air

24 June. It’s a great day.

Day of SARaNg 107.8  - St Aloysius Radio maNgalore – our Community Radio.

The struggle up there! Mr Dinesh Rao & Jayanth's men sweat it out in rain and sun (that was the day, here, anyway!) as Amarjit (Jayanth's techie) and Yours Truly watch in all anxiety!

The struggle up there! Mr Dinesh Rao & Jayanth's men sweat it out in rain and sun (that was the day, here, anyway!) as Amarjit (Jayanth's techie) and Yours Truly watch in all anxiety!

Two years of sweat, labour, dreams, disappointments, anxieties, frustrations, and all you can think of…. all of that seemed worth it! Almost all of them cumulatively bore fruit.

We sucessfully test-launched the “colourful” community Radio. That is what Sarang 107.8 FM stands for – beautiful arrangement of colours to symbolise the communal, linguistic, social diversity of Mangalore.  (It also means a spotted deer). And, in retrospect,  it means St Aloysius Radio maNgalore (unintended, though!)

It was exciting when we started planning for it in 2007. But soon, the initial enthusiasm started petering out as challenges of the day to day works started telling upon some of us. Often it felt ‘lonley’ venture. Often felt deserted.  Thanks to some enduring and strong supports against every form of current – support from  Principal, management (specially the former  Rector & present Provincial Fr Francis Serrao), some students, a few staff members… and of course, I should not miss CEMCA and  Sajan. Then there were occasional people who inquired after this unborn baby SARaNg – N Ram (Maraa), Vineeta & Ashish Sen from Voices, good many Jesuits from outside, Sandra, many other friends and well wishers,…  a few words of appreciation and wishes for success can make much difference!

Posted by: RR | 23 June 2009

Some Anxious Moments… SARANG 107.8FM

23 June. These are moments of anxiety. Had known students experience butterflies just before their exams. Probably I feel like that now!

Everything is almost set. There is license. There is GOPA. There is frequency – 107.8 MHz. There is Transmitter. There antennar, tower, and what? I guess there are some staff & volunteers. And there are programmes. Hemant is arriving tomorrow morning (Wednesday) to test signals… Just a step for the SARaNg – 107.8; a giant step for the society around. History to be created. And I am wondering “what will happen tomorrow?”

Nothing will happen! It will an ordinary day. It will be an extra ordinary day. As you take it. May the divine plan unfold. May the airwaves be favourable to us.  May humanity  benefit – in whatever way it can – of course, through SARaNg 107.8 FM….

Posted by: RR | 22 June 2009

SARaNg – Community Radio Workshop Begins

22 June. Thought of a different type of training workshop for our Community Radio.  Usually people have the set type of workshop.

Ronnie with his 'good students' - guess who is leading the pack!

Ronnie with his 'good students' - guess who is leading the pack!

Our studio engineer provides the training on hardware, on-air-show training, equipment handling, editing, etc. We are left with content orientation and production part. And a few other nitty-gritties.  Some of our friends and old students from the field stepped in to be with us. From their experience and perspective. For whatever it is.

The man who loves community radio... made time for us...

The man who loves community radio... made time for us...

The day began with Ronnie the main recordist of our engineer. After the half-day training, it was Mr Shyam Bhat. His experience with multi-systems helped us. Not to mention his commitment to the cause of Community Radio.

Tomorrow someone else. Then someone else. Then someone else!

Learning could be fun. If all can gel well, goal is kept in mind.

How nice! look at the concentration!! Were they aware of the camera, by any chance?

How nice! look at the concentration!! Were they aware of the camera, by any chance?

It became more interesting when little Suhas, Vaibhav, Kajal and Reev joined.  When little ones are there, big ones feel they are big! (:-

All in the game. …

Posted by: RR | 21 June 2009

Our Own Frog – “Euphylyctis Aloysii”

21 June. Do you have a frog of your own? We have our own! And soon, students and scholars alike will start studying about our frog!

A new species of frog has been discovered in the Western Ghats and Mangalore by a team of researchers from St Aloysius College Mangalore & Japan.

The discovery was  made by Dr Hareesh Joshy, professor and Head, Department of Zoology at St Aloysius College (Autonomous) Mangalore, and Prof. Mitusuru Kuramoto, Emeritus Professor, Fukuoka University, Japan. The new species is named “Euphlyctes Aloysii” in honour of St Aloysius College, where the main part of the study was carried out. Dr Joshy is involved in research on biodiversity of frogs of the Western Ghats for the past 12 years and has published 15 scientific papers in National and International  journals.

The new species – “Euphlyctis Aloysii” is a tiny water frog with a mixture of dark brown and green colour. It has a thin mid-dorsal white stripe, small black spots distributed randomly from beneath the eye to the fore limb base. At night the dorsal side becomes darker and greener in colour and the dorsal marking becmes slowly inconspicuous. This species is presently found in paddy fields of Adyar and Bajpe in Mangalore.

The fortunate frog named along with the St Aloysius College Mangalore, has been the cynosure of all eyes and envy of other frogs!!!

The fortunate frog named along with the St Aloysius College Mangalore, has been the cynosure of all eyes and envy of other frogs!!!

Earlier new species of frogs were identified by scientists with the morphological peculiarities only. The present research is based on molecular studies (D.N.A. studies) as well as acoustic study. This confirms fully the taxomonical position of the species. Dr Joshy and his co-scientist have published the findings on the new species in the scientific journal “Alytes” an international journal specialised on amphibians published by “Paris Museum” in France.

Frogs are the bio-indicators of the enviornment. They are friends of farmers, as they eat huge amount of insects ‘pest’ that effect the yield in field. However many species of frogs are declining and efforts need to be made to conserve such species in the Western Ghats which are considered the “Hotspot of Biodiversity.”

There are about 260 species of frogs in India and around 1/3 are found in the Western Ghats signifiying their rich biodiversity.

Hearty congratulations to Dr Joshy, Prof. Kuramotu, Fr Dr Leo D’souza and their dedicated team of scientists at St Aloysius College!

Posted by: RR | 20 June 2009

Kids Celebrate Feast of St Aloysius

20 June. It is the feast of the young saint from Italy. The 16th century Saint after whom this St Aloysius College Mangalore is named is celebrated on 21 June – in honour of his great sacrifice – first by sacrificing his throne to join the Jesuits (society of Jesus, as is properly known), and then sacrificing his life in the service of the plague victims of Italy. The 23-year old Saint died after contracting the same plague of the victim he was carrying.

St Aloysius College Boys’ Home is 29 year old home, but -is in

A grand welcome to the guests by the little boys!

A grand welcome to the guests by the little boys!

reality- a very young home – (mostly) boys and girls (very few) staying in this home celebrated this feast with much joy. The Ullal

tha-ki-ta-tha-ri-ki-ta!!! entertaining with the tabla beats!

tha-ki-ta-tha-ri-ki-ta!!! entertaining with the tabla beats!

(Rural) Health  Officer, Dr Navin the chief guest of the day,

who had brought a prepared speech, put aside his speech after watching the high quality cultural programmes given by socially deprived children, and spoke impromptu; at one point he could not continue – so emotionally choked was he!

Another scene from the play "Navoo Badukabeku" (We too should live")

Another scene from the play "Navoo Badukabeku" (We too should live")

Most of these children are handed over to the care of St Aloysius College -Boys’ Home- by the government after rescuing. Hence, some of them have had the bitterness of remand homes. A few others

Welcome with melodious songs! A part of that meaningful play put up by the children

Welcome with melodious songs! A part of that meaningful play put up by the children

come from broken families, and refused to live with their parents because of poverty or trauma. But they find ABH – a home! ABH provides them every facility to grow, every opportunity to blossom, and every care to feel loved.

"We are going to entertain you with a meaningful play... We Too Want To Live... narrators seem to say

"We are going to entertain you with a meaningful play... We Too Want To Live... narrators seem to say

May God bless you all... praying for the choicest blessings...

May God bless you all... praying for the choicest blessings...

What matters the most!!! Kids enjoying their special festal dinner!

What matters the most!!! Kids enjoying their special festal dinner!

Dr Naveen was effusive in his praises for the children. Initially, he may not have wanted to visit this place; but, having visited as the chief guest, he said, he had fallen in love with the place, the atmosphere, and the kids!

Dr Naveen was effusive in his praises for the children. Initially, he may not have wanted to visit this place; but, having visited as the chief guest, he said, he had fallen in love with the place, the atmosphere, and the kids!

swagathavu nimage, suswagathavoo nimage... welcome, dear guests!

swagathavu nimage, suswagathavoo nimage... welcome, dear guests!

Look at us, and what we are capable of!

Look at us, and what we are capable of!

Different postures, different scenes

I too have a right to live, to eat, to study, to be peaceful.... the central character of the play seems to say...

Different postures, different scenes
I too have  a right to live, to eat, to study, to be peaceful.... the central character of the play seems to say...
The "little MC" - the young boy who compered the entire event, conducted the entire show in English, good English! He made all of us raise our eye brows in disbelief - his good English!!!

The "little MC" - the young boy who compered the entire event, conducted the entire show in English, good English! He made all of us raise our eye brows in disbelief - his good English!!!

Posted by: RR | 18 June 2009

Shifting Focus on Post Graduate Courses

18 June. Now that the classes to undergraduate courses have begun, focus has shifted to post graduate courses. While some courses (Biotech, Biochem, Analytical Chem, MSW) have already finished one round of entrance exams and are gearing up to the second round (27 June) of them for those who missed the first one, others are in the process of finalising their admissions directly. MCMS (Mass Communication), M.Com, M.A. English and M.A. Economics are the ones finalising their applications.

Admissions will remain open for the next two weeks.

Classes for the senior post graduate students will commence on 1 July, while for the freshers, it will be on 6 July.

For the Mass Comm students, their television studio is getting ready. Their FM Community Radio will test air waves on 24 June. The senior MCMS students will be in the campus on 22 June to undergo a hands-on workshop in RJ-ing and radio program produciton.

Posted by: RR | 16 June 2009

New Readers’ Editor at the Hindu

16 June. Have you noticed this? The Hindu has a new readers’ editor (RD)- Mr S. Vishwanathan. Sudden change! Yes, to the readers. What would have gone wrong?

Mr Narayanan’s clarifications! Some of the statements and clarifications did not go down well with the Big Boss of The Hindu! According to “inside sources” (to use an escapist term from the very media which abuses it often!) the Almighty had already clipped his wings; but according to a blogger, (who used rather derogatory term to the outgoing RD), he still stayed on, till of course, he was replaced by the Frontline sub! In the last few columns, the previous RD had restricted himself to correcting grammar, punctuation, etc. Nothing about editorial matters! There was hardly anything about “Readers’ Editor” – the ombudsman as practiced by The Guardian!

Read a post on this blog from The Hindu on English corrections by the previous RD, posted last week!

Posted by: RR | 16 June 2009

Gujarat Riots & Longwinding Road to Justice

Wheels of injustice

Subversion of the criminal justice system in Gujarat: Role of the public prosecutor

BY TEESTA SETALVAD

Since 2003, when Citizens for Justice and Peace (CJP) took up first, the Best Bakery case, and thereafter intervened in the NHRC case (concerning trials that are now being reinvestigated by the SIT), it has highlighted the subversion and dubious functioning of the public prosecutor in Gujarat. In detailed affidavits submitted to the apex court between October 2003 and May 2007, CJP has constantly exposed the designs of the state of Gujarat in deliberately subverting the position of public prosecutor by appointing men who had overt sympathies with the ideology of the RSS and the BJP. These lawyers, instead of functioning as officers of the courts to safeguard the Indian Constitution, served the interests of the ruling party and the accused. They assisted courts in granting hasty bail to mass murderers within months of the crime.

The mainstream media, tragically unconcerned with this deliberate subversion of the criminal justice system, did not bother to dwell on these facts or analyse them in lofty editorials. Chief Minister Narendra Modi who, in the run-up to the 2009 polls, was the most interviewed politician on television channels, including Times Now, CNN-IBN and Headlines Today, received kid-glove treatment from a media that is otherwise almost hysterically abusive about the ‘political’ class.

Chetan Shah

, Ahmedabad. First appointed public prosecutor in the Gulberg Society massacre case in 2003, he had previously appeared for the accused in this and the Naroda massacre cases. Witnesses made an application to the then state law minister, Ashok Bhatt, in September 2003, which was also produced before the apex court. Shah was replaced by his junior, VP Atre.

During the Supreme Court proceedings, Harish Salve, amicus curiae, had, in his written submissions dated March 22, 2007 filed in the Supreme Court, stated that “the state of Gujarat does not have significant reply to the allegations (made by victim survivors and CJP) that the appointment of public prosecutors was done in a manner inconsistent with the rights of the victims under Article 21 (right to life) and in breach of the duty cast upon the state under the Code of Criminal Procedure.”

VP Atre

, Ahmedabad. A junior to Chetan Shah, whose conduct has also been suspect.

Vinod Gajjar

, Ahmedabad. He was appointed by the state of Gujarat in 2006 to appear on its behalf before Judge ML Mehta, additional sessions judge, Delhi, who was appointed by the Supreme Court to scrutinise the voluminous case records in the NHRC case. Gajjar had previously appeared for some of those accused in the Gulberg Society massacre case.

Dilip Trivedi

, Mehsana. He was and is the general secretary of the state VHP and heads the organisation’s 12-member lawyers’ panel. He appeared for the state in matters relating to the Sardarpura carnage, in which 33 persons were burnt alive on March 1, 2002, where all 46 accused were released on bail. (A day after they were released some of them allegedly attacked a mosque). When the witness complainants filed an application in the Gujarat high court objecting to Trivedi’s role, additional public prosecutor, SJ Dave said the government would consider the appointment of a special public prosecutor but it would not make a firm commitment. Trivedi was removed from the Deepda Darwaja case (one of the two major incidents in Mehsana district) and replaced with Rajendra Darji. There is no order on record removing him from the other trial.

Bharat Bhatt

, Sabarkantha. He was the public prosecutor in 2002 but he was also the VHP’s district president. He is on record as saying that he has been doing his best to help the accused in 2002 riot-related cases (in the Tehelka exposé following its sting ‘Operation Kalank’).

Avadhoot Sumant

, Vadodara. In early August 2003 he had demanded that the Gujarat high court initiate contempt proceedings against the NHRC for calling the Best Bakery case verdict of July 2003 a miscarriage of justice. Three days after his public declaration to this effect, Sumant was appointed assistant public prosecutor in the case.

Sanjay Bhatt Vyas

, Vadodara. Vadodara’s assistant public prosecutor is the nephew of Ajay Joshi, VHP’s city unit president in 2003. An advocate himself, Joshi was a defence counsel in the Best Bakery case.

PS Dhora

, Anand. He is allegedly an RSS sympathiser.

Piyush Gandhi

, Panchmahal. The president of Panchmahal’s district VHP unit in 2002-03 and a member of the VHP’s lawyers’ panel appeared as public prosecutor in the district’s carnage cases and obtained acquittals in three trials between July and November 2002.

Raghuvir Pandya

, Vadodara. As prosecutor for the city police in 1996, he contested elections to the Manjalpur Corporation from Ward 20, Kesariya (south), Vadodara, on a BJP ticket. During the Best Bakery trial in April-May 2003, before the fast track court of Judge HU Mahida, all matters were handled by the then public prosecutor, Mr Gupta. But at the time of interrogation of witnesses (who had turned hostile) Raghuvir Pandya was suddenly appointed public prosecutor.

HM Dhruva

. A sudden and recent appointment to the SIT panel of prosecutors in April 2009, as reported in The Indian Express, Ahmedabad. Dhruva previously appeared as public prosecutor when the Godhra train fire case was being tried under the Prevention of Terrorism Act (POTA) and where, during proceedings, he demonstrated a clear bias against the accused. According to information received through a Right to Information (RTI) application filed in 2006-07, Dhruva, as special public prosecutor in one of the Godhra cases, officially received fees amounting to more than Rs 92 lakh, eight or nine times what was earned by prosecutors in other 2002 trials..

Arvind Pandya

, Ahmedabad. The state government’s counsel before the Nanavati-Shah Commission, who cast aspersions on the judges. According to him, Nanavati is after money and Shah is sympathetic to “them” (Tehelka, ‘Operation Kalank’).

No contempt of court proceedings have been initiated against Pandya for this insult to the Gujarat judiciary.

JM Panchal

, Ahmedabad. He has been appointed public prosecutor in the past when major lapses were found in investigation.

Sudhir Brahmbhatt

, Ahmedabad. He has been appointed public prosecutor in the past when major lapses were found in investigation.

SC Shah

, Anand. He has been appointed public prosecutor in the past when major lapses were found in investigation.

MS Pathak

, Anand. In 2002 he was public prosecutor in the Odh massacre case where hasty anticipatory bail was granted to the accused.

The judiciary

The story of the subversion of the criminal justice system in Gujarat by officers of the state from Chief Minister Modi downwards includes the unseemly influence exerted on the state judiciary for prompt granting of bail to all those accused in the post-Godhra massacres. In stark contrast, 86 persons accused in the Godhra train fire case, all Muslims, were and still are in jail, having been denied bail for more than seven years. (Five of them died in custody.)

The pursuit of justice for the victims in the post-Godhra massacre cases through a sustained intervention by the apex court has been an arduous process. In 2004, a year after the former chief justice, VN Khare, appointed Harish Salve as amicus curiae, the Gujarat government made shameful efforts to mislead the court on the issue of granting of bail to the accused. When CJP, acting as a constant watchdog, called attention to this shamefaced lying by the Gujarat government, the amicus curiae commissioned it in July 2004 to translate hundreds of pages of bail orders to prove that the Gujarat government was wrong and had been lying to the court. This task was completed within a month. The result revealed to both the amicus curiae and the Supreme Court the lengths to which the state of Gujarat would go in order to conceal the facts from the apex court.

This was seen in cases relating to the Gulberg Society massacre, the Naroda Patiya and Naroda Gaon massacres as well as the killings at Sardarpura and Odh. In fact, in Odh in Anand district, a judge even granted anticipatory bail to the accused, some of whom then ran off abroad! This subversion of justice was systematically executed between March 2002 and 2003 when acquittals in many of the cases relating to the major massacres also took place. Apart from the Best Bakery case, there were acquittals in the Pandharwada case (Panchmahal district, where 42 persons were killed) and Kidiad cases (Sabarkantha district, where 62 persons were burnt alive at Limbadiya Chowky as they attempted to flee in tempos). If the apex court had not intervened and stayed the trials (now being reinvestigated by the SIT) on November 23, 2003, there was every likelihood that mass acquittals would have taken place. The media through its piecemeal and sensationalised coverage has refused to grasp, or portray, the systematic subversion of the justice process within Gujarat.

Babu Bajrangi (Patel), principal accused in the Naroda Patiya case, was granted bail within months of the carnage. Since then he has blatantly committed more crimes. He told Tehelka during its sting operation that Modi had changed three high court judges to ensure that Bajrangi was granted bail! Akshay Mehta, a high court judge who granted bail to a large number of those accused in the post-Godhra killings in various cases was, after retirement, appointed colleague to Justice Nanavati of the Nanavati-Shah Commission when Justice KG Shah passed away.

Surely such deep levels of subversion require systematic investigation?

Posted by: RR | 12 June 2009

Classes Begin for the Newcomers

12 June. It was the first day, first show for the newcomers of St Aloysius College (Autonomous), Mangalore. The first year (FY) students of various under graduate courses thronged St Aloysius College, to familiarise themselves and, of course, to spend at least three meaningful & fruitful years of learning.

Posted by: RR | 11 June 2009

MCMS II Semester Results – May 2009

12 June. Good news to our Mass Communication students of St Aloysius College. The results of the second semester MCMS (Master of Communication and Media Studies) exams held in May 2009 are provisionally declared. For further clarification the students can approach the Head of the Dept or the PG Office.

My hearty congratulations to all the student for sweating it out (and of course the staff…!!!)

St Aloysius College, Mangalore (Autonomous)

Second Semester Examination – May, 2009

SUMMARY RESULT SHEET – MCMS

Reg No:

701

COMM RESEARCH

73

INTRO TO AV MEDIA

63

CORP COMM

72

IMAGING TECH

65

FEATURE  & PRINT PROD

70

343

Aggregate: 68.6: PASS

702 50 53 54 53 66 276

Agg: 55.2

Result: PASS

703

64

60 69 61 64 318

Aggr: 63.6

Result: PASS

704 84 70 72 65 66 357

Agg: 71.4

Result: PASS

705

54

: 56 63 62 61 296

Agg: 59.2

Result: PASS

706 90 : 79 76 82 78 405

Agg: 81.

Result: PASS

707 83 : 76 75 77 75 386

Agg: 77.2

Result: PASS

708 75 : 83 79 78 72 387

Agg: 77.4

Result: PASS

709 79 : 71 76 71 69 366

Agg: 73.2

Result: PASS

710 72 : 64 68 66 65 335

Agg: 67.

Result: PASS

711 60 : 57 68 57 64 306

Agg: 61.2

Result: PASS

712 55 : 55 63 60 62 295

Agg: 59.

Result: PASS

713 60 : 67 65 58 57 307

Agg: 61.4

Result: PASS

Place: Mangalore                  Prof. A. M. Narahari                                         PRINCIPAL

Date: 12-06-2009                                      Registrar (Evaluation)                     Rev. Fr. Swebert D’Silva S.J

ST ALOYSIUS COLLEGE (AUTONOMOUS)

SECOND SEMESTER DEGREE RESULTS – APR./MAY 2009

Faculty

No. of students appeared

Total

First class

Second class

Pass class

Failed

No. of students passed

Total

Passing percentage

M

F

Male

Female

Male

Female

Male

Female

Male

Female

Male

Female

B.A.

36

59

95

17

35

10

9

2

1

7

14

29

45

74

77.89

B.S.W.

15

19

34

5

9

5

6

2

3

4

12

15

27

79

B.COM.

219

121

340

102

92

58

22

4

55

7

164

114

278

81.76

B.B.M.

160

68

228

65

49

55

15

4

36

4

124

64

188

82.45

B.SC.

74

131

205

37

106

14

5

1

23

19

51

112

163

79.51

B.C.A

67

79

146

33

63

6

3

1

27

13

40

66

106

72.60

Place: Mangalore                                                                  Prof. A. M. Narahari                                                                         PRINCIPAL

Date: 10-06-2009                                                                 Registrar (Evaluation)                                                              Rev. Fr. Swebert D’Silva S.J

ST ALOYSIUS COLLEGE (AUTONOMOUS)

FOURTH SEMESTER DEGREE  RESULTS – APR./MAY 2009

Faculty

No. of students appeared

Total

First class

Second class

Pass class

Failed

No. of students passed

Total

Passing percentage

M

F

Male

Female

Male

Female

Male

Female

Male

Female

Male

Female

B.A.

57

51

108

35

46

12

3

3

7

2

50

49

99

91.66

B.S.W.

12

20

32

4

16

3

2

1

4

2

8

18

26

81.25

B.COM.

152

83

235

77

71

38

7

1

36

5

116

78

194

82.55

B.B.M.

105

38

143

50

33

35

4

4

16

1

89

37

126

88.11

B.SC.

80

171

251

40

142

12

8

28

21

52

150

202

80.48

B.C.A

38

25

63

21

21

7

10

4

28

21

49

77.77

Place: Mangalore                                                                  Prof. A. M. Narahari                                                                         PRINCIPAL

Date: 10-06-2009                                                                 Registrar (Evaluation)                                                              Rev. Fr. Swebert D’Silva S.J

P.S.: For detailed results you will have to visit the College website www.staloysius.edu.in. Those who have not signed their internal marks will not find their numbers in the result sheet.

Posted by: RR | 10 June 2009

Racism – An Eye-Opener

10 June. There is an informative comment posted on this blog (post dtd 8 June), with some supporting newspaper “clippings”. Racism in our verandah (shall we say?).  It is in response to “Racism – Where is it?” Please read it.

Posted by: RR | 9 June 2009

CPM Thugs Attack Schools in Kerala

9 June. Extremists are dangerous to any society. We have had examples in our own Indian society. Our surroundings have witnessed these extremists elements – in Gujarat, Chattisgarh, Orissa, Mangalore and quite a few places in Karnataka.

Not to be left alone are the Communists of India – those trouble makers – who hinder public life almost every other day in different parts of the country – notably in Kerala, West Bengal, and Jharkhand. Neither they work, nor they allow others to work.

Come to Kerala, the Communist Party of India (Marxist) is the ruling dispensation. Its chief Pinarayi Vijayan and the its chief minister V.S. Achutanandan are at loggerheads. The consequences are borne by the hapless civilians!

The Governor of Kerala Mr Gavai permitted the Central Bureau of Investigation (CBI) to prosecute the corrupt Vijayan in SNC Lavlin case. And the goons of Vijayan were quick to hit out at the public life! To hold public to ransom!

There was no government directive to schools to close down. Hence, schools functioned on a day declared by Vijayan’s followers to be ‘protest day’, i.e. 8 June 2009. The angry and arrogant cadres of Vijayan barged into many of the schools and destroyed property worth laksh, abused the managements for not shutting down, and threatened to repeat the same vandalising actions.

St Joseph’s School, in Alleppy in Kerala, was one of the worst sufferers. According to the sources, some misled boys of CPI (Vijayan faction) jumped the walls of the school, went up to the first floor of the Hr Secondary school, and destroyed furniture and things worth Rs 150 thousand (1.5 lakh). Then came down to the office and destoryed things there, broke the notice board. Went to the convent and abused the nuns and threatened for not closing down. They also threatened to repeat – reminding them of Kerala Bishops’ circular to Chrsitians “to  vote” (though the circular did say to whom; it only exhorted to fulfill the constitutional duty).

The police have refused to register a case – the government is led by CPM, hence can’t expect any action (just as you can’t expect any action against the saffron extemists in Karnataka, Gujarat and Orissa).

Similar cases have been reported from many other places. In Trivandrum a Hindu school was vandalised by the CPM goons. What was their fault?

Should the public be punished for fulfilling their constitutional duty? For implementing state policies? Does the Central Government listen?

Posted by: RR | 8 June 2009

Results 2009 on 10 June

9 June. Results of the even semester examinations held in April 2009 will be declared on 10 June on the St Aloysius College website.

The undergraduate examination were held in April for all the autonomous scheme students. The results have been prepared meticulously. They will be posted on the College website on 10 June for the benefit of the students.

www.staloysius.edu.in

Posted by: RR | 8 June 2009

Why Did BJP Lose Elections?

This article is written by a BJP-insider , who was a kingpin in BJP’s poll campaign in the last election. The article is a very good analysis of the BJP’s poll debacle. I must say, an honest self-introspection. And the BJP bigwigs were quick enough to distance themselves from this excellant analysis! Credit goes to my friend Mr John Thomas, who sent me the news item, just as I watched the TV news and was wondering what this meant! – RR

Hindu Divided Family

In a deeply introspective essay, LK Advani’s key aide says that if the BJP wants to win, it needs to rethink its approach to Muslims, Hindutva, the poor, the RSS, and itself

SUDHEENDRA KULKARNI,               Political advisor, BJP

click here to enlarge
Lone Charioteer Advani came to the correct conclusions post-2004, but failed to implement them

FIRST THINGS first. Before I reflect on why the Bharatiya Janata Party lost the Lok Sabha elections and how it can revive itself, it must be said that the outcome of the polls is a resounding victory for India’s democracy. True, there are many glaring deficiencies in our democracy. But the people of India have shown once again to the world that it is they who decide the fate of governments, parties and leaders in this country, and also that their verdict is accepted by one and all in the polity.. India is not like China, where its communist rulers fear that free elections with multiple choices before the people would destabilise their nation. Nor are we like Thailand, where warring parties recently laid siege to the airport and parliament building. We are not like many other countries in Asia and the world where the sanctity of elections is contested, where leaders are jailed or banished, and where the military replaces the independent judiciary and the election commission. Undoubtedly, the renewed recognition that India, inspite of its bewildering diversities and problems, is unshakable in its commitment to democracy has raised its prestige globally. Even as a person belonging to the defeated party, I feel proud of this triumph of India’s democracy.

Next. Congratulations to the Prime Minister, Sonia Gandhi and their party. They outsmarted the BJP in the electoral battle, which I believed along with many others outside my party, was ours to lose. The BJP snatched defeat out of the jaws of victory. The Congress did the opposite.

A third prefatory point. In commenting on the causes that led to the BJP’s defeat, I cannot but say upfront that I too carry my share of responsibility. As one who was closely associated with the party’s election campaign, specifically the campaign of LK Advani, our prime ministerial candidate, I too committed mistakes. To be meaningful, productive and curative, collective introspection in the party must begin with each one individually. Collective responsibility is a laudable principle, but it can often become a mask for persons in key positions at the central and state levels to evade their individual responsibility. This has often happened in the BJP. The party must, therefore, conduct a rigorous and objective analysis of all the factors that led to its defeat, and this should be done with the participation of the largest possible number of party workers and supporters at various levels.

Beneath the pervasive disappointment, the mood in the party is indeed introspective. After all, this is the second consecutive defeat for the BJP in its bid for power at the Centre. In 2004, it had lost after heading the government of the National Democratic Alliance for six years. The verdict of the people, hence, clearly meant that they wanted change. In 2009, after five years of largely dismal performance by the government of the Congress-led United Progressive Alliance, the BJP could not convince the voters that they should vote in favour of change. Rather, the truth is that the people wanted change but were not convinced that the BJP or the BJP-led NDA assured the kind of change they wanted.

REASONS FOR THE BJP DEFEAT IN 2009

The BJP’s failure to convince the people on this score is rooted in a combination of structural, political, ideological, organizational and campaign-related reasons. The party’s longstanding structural weakness is that although it has succeeded in bi-polarising India’s politics at the Centre, its geographical presence in the country is much narrower than that of the Congress. It won only one seat in four big states that together account for 143 out of the 543 seats in the Lok Sabha — West Bengal (42), Andhra Pradesh (42), Tamil Nadu (39) and Kerala (20). The Congress’ tally: 60 seats. Unless the BJP overcomes this structural weakness by increasing its own political and electoral strength in these big states, it can never emerge as an equal and durable alternative to the Congress nationally.

The BJP’s allies left the NDA because they felt the Gujarat riots would cost them Muslim votes

The second reason was the failure of the BJP’s political strategy — in particular, its alliance strategy. A principal reason for the party’s success in forming the government, under the leadership of Atal Behari Vajpayee, in 1998 and 1999 was its ability to forge alliances, especially in three of the four afore-mentioned big states (Trinamool Congress in West Bengal; Telugu Desam Party in Andhra Pradesh; and first AIADMK and later DMK in Tamil Nadu). Its alliance with the Biju Janata Dal in Orissa (21 Lok Sabha seats) also proved to be extremely useful. In the aftermath of the 2004 defeat, many of our allies left the NDA.. The main reason for their leaving was not that the NDA had been defeated, but their perception that the communal violence in Gujarat in 2002 was an important cause of the defeat and, hence, their conclusion that continuation of the alliance with the BJP would cost them Muslim votes. Between 2004 and 2009, the BJP did nothing to address this factor. As a result, it failed to win back a single ally in West Bengal, Andhra Pradesh and Tamil Nadu, or win a single ally in Kerala. Moreover, almost on the eve of the 2009 elections, the BJP actually lost an important ally in Orissa due to inept alliance management.

It is true that, in the early months of 2009, the BJP forged three new alliances — with Asom Gana Parishad in Assam, Ajit Singh’s Rashtriya Lok Dal in UP, and Omprakash Chautala’s Indian National Lok Dal in Haryana. But these could not make up for the damage caused by the loss of our earlier alliances. In the absence of a cohesive and numerically strong alliance, the BJP could not assure the voters that it was in a position to form a stable government at the Centre. Hence, by default, the voters not only chose the Congress over the BJP but also gave it increased parliamentary strength to quench their own thirst for stability.

CONFUSION ABOUT HINDUTVA

Why did the BJP invite this weakness upon itself? The reason has to do with the widespread ideological confusion within the party over what the BJP’s advocacy of Hindutva actually means. The confusion has persisted for a long time, but it intensified after the defeat of the BJP/NDA in 2004. There was a strong view within a section of the party — and a much stronger and almost unanimous view within the larger Sangh Parivar — that the Vajpayee’s government was defeated because the BJP had “abandoned Hindutva”. The argument went like this: “In its bid to form the NDA government, the BJP kept aside its core ideological commitments on the construction of the Ram Temple in Ayodhya, the abrogation of Article 370 and the Uniform Civil Code. The Hindu voters, who had enabled the BJP to emerge as a strong force in Indian politics in the late 1980s and 1990s, felt let down by this. In 2004, the BJP again kept the Hindutva issues in cold storage and made development its main plank. This further disillusioned the Hindu voters. Their indifference led to the party’s defeat in 2004.” In the aftermath of the setback in 2009, many angry voices have again blamed the party leadership, Advani in particular, for the same reason — “You lost because you abandoned Hindutva.”

The BJP’s Hindu base is less than 25 percent, too small to have lost because it abandoned Hindutva

It’s a deeply flawed view. It errs in believing that the BJP’s Hindu base is synonymous with the totality of Hindu voters. The fact is, Hindus never vote as a block for any particular party. There is only a small section of Hindus who have voted as Hindus for what they perceived as a pro-Hindu party — the Jana Sangh in the past and the BJP in later years. Their number increased dramatically in the late 1980s and early 1990s due to the Ayodhya movement, which, for about ten years, caught the imagination of a large section of the Hindu society. However, the BJP’s rising strength in the late 1990s was also on account of another important factor, which had nothing “Hindu” about it: the people’s desire to give the BJP also an opportunity to govern the country. This desire was further whetted by Vajpayee’s pan-Indian popularity, as was evident from the appeal of the slogan“Sabko dekha baari baari, Ab ki baari Atal Behari”.

If the BJP’s electoral success in 1998 and 1999 was due to factors beyond what are narrowly seen as “Hindutva” issues, subsequent events have proved beyond a shadow of doubt that the party’s Hindu base is small even within Hindu society, not to speak of the electorate as a whole. This small Hindu base on its own can never bring the party to power at the Centre. Between 2004 and 2009, some people were toying with the idea of constructing a ‘Hindu Agenda’, and creating a large enough ‘Hindu Vote-Bank’ around it. Even the idea of establishing a new Hindu political organization, as a counter to the BJP, was being talked about. In the aftermath of the BJP’s defeat in the 2009 parliamentary elections, these ideas may get a new lease of life. They are doomed to fail.

At a broader level, it is high time the BJP seriously debated and decided what it means by ‘Hindutva’, and also what formulations of ‘Hindutva’ are not acceptable to it. True, the BJP must remain an ideology-driven party. But without clarity on what the BJP’s ideology is, the party cannot win the support of more Hindus, let alone the support of Muslims and Christians. Understood as ‘Cultural Nationalism’ in an inclusive, integrative and noncommunal sense, Hindutva indeed defines the organizing and sustaining principle of the Indian Nation. However, just as the noble principle of secularism can be perverted and practiced for politically expedient reasons — the selfstyled ‘secular’ parties have indeed done it to isolate the BJP — Hindutva is also vulnerable to narrow interpretations and bigoted practice. My own understanding of Pandit Deendayal Upadhyaya’s ‘Integral Humanism’, which the BJP accepts as its guiding philosophy, convinces me that it completely rejects narrow, exclusivist and communal interpretations of India’s national identity.

FAILURE TO OVERCOME THE PARTY’S LIMITED SOCIAL BASE

Post-2004, many leaders in the BJP, Advani in particular, had come to the correct conclusion that the party faced twin tasks: (a) to nurse its core ideological/social constituency (which had felt let down for various reasons, including the valid reason of a lack of sufficient dialogue and coordination between the BJP leaders in the Vajpayee government and the leaders and activists of the Sangh Parivar at various levels); and (b) to expand the BJP’s appeal and support base beyond its core constituency, both on its own and by forging alliances. Sadly, between 2004 and 2009, the BJP leadership attended only to the first task and did very little to attend to the second. For example, even within the Hindu society, large sections (especially Dalits) have remained outside the influence of the BJP. No effort was made to endear the party to them.

The party’s collective mind is confused about how to deal with the issue of Indian Muslims

As far as taking the BJP closer to the minorities (Muslims and Christians) is concerned, both confusion and indifference within the party are of Himalayan magnitude. The mentality of a large section of the party is so dogmatic that any idea of promoting the welfare and development of Indian Muslims, or of addressing their legitimate concerns, is quickly brushed aside as “appeasement”. In five long years after 2004, the BJP did not come up with a single worthwhile initiative which Muslims could welcome. Take the example of the Sachar Committee report. No doubt, the Congress party, guided by its votebank politics, tried to appease the Muslim community with some dangerous and thoroughly condemnable pronouncements — reservation for Muslims on religious grounds and the Prime Minister’s shocking statement that Muslims should have the first claim on the country’s budgetary resources. But was everything about the Sachar Committee report or its recommendations objectionable? After all, by highlighting widespread socio-economic backwardness within the Muslim community, the report laid bare the successive Congress governments’ own failures and betrayals towards a community that has been its most loyal supporter. Sadly, the BJP rejected the Sachar report completely and unreservedly. The party could have responded to its findings and recommendations in a more nuanced manner by presenting some alternative proposals for addressing poverty and backwardness among Muslims. It didn’t do so because, as I have mentioned earlier, the party’s collective mind is suffering from a prolonged confusion about how to deal with issues relating to Indian Muslims. Those leaders who want to think and act innovatively know that they are prone to be quickly accused of following a “Muslim- appeasement” policy. The BJP’s Minority Morcha is a non-operational body, whose voice is heard neither within the party nor within the Muslim community.

The entrenched thinking within the BJP is that “Muslims never vote for us and therefore there is no need to think or do anything for them.” The party gave tickets to only three Muslim candidates in the recent Lok Sabha elections. True, the party’s manifesto had some good points about minorities, but these could hardly change the image of the BJP as a party that does not care for Muslims. Purely in electoral terms, all this contributed to the BJP’s grievous self-disablement. Consider the following. The party has a near-zero presence in 143 Lok Sabha seats in four big states. On top of that, it practically writes off 15% of the electorate who are Muslims. In recent years, even Christians have turned against the BJP. Even within the Hindu society, the BJP’s support base is less than 25% nationally. Thus, both geographically and socially, the party’s electoral base is not strong enough to challenge the Congress. On top of all these, we had the Varun Gandhi episode in the middle of the election campaign, which, along with other factors, clearly led to the consolidation of Muslim votes in favour of the Congress in UP.

NEGATIVISM IN THE BJP’S CAMPAIGN

In hindsight, it is obvious that the BJP failed to utilize its five years in the opposition to construct and present a positive agenda that could catch the imagination of the people beyond its core support base. We harped too much on the UPA government’s failures, without convincing the people how we would perform better. The party rightly adopted ‘Good Governance, Development and Security’ as its plank for Elections 2009. However, none of these three ideals was intellectually fleshed out in terms of specific policies and programmatic initiatives, nor made the basis of a sustained mass campaign. The people, who were hardly enthused by the performance of the UPA government, were keen on knowing if the BJP had superior ideas on tackling the problems of price rise, unemployment, economic downturn, plight of farmers, etc. The middle class wanted to know if the BJP had better plans to address the shortage of housing, water and power, the problem of transportation, and the rising costs of education and healthcare. India’s young men and women were waiting to see if the BJP was capable of making them dream big and if it could connect to their own rising aspirations.

We harped too much on the UPA’s failures without convincing people we would be any better

Advani did speak of theLadli LaxamiYojana for the education of the girl child, his infrastructure vision and his vision for ‘IT as an instrument for transforming Bharat’.But all this did not cohere into a sharply focused superior agenda of governance and development. On the issue of security, which was a BJP’s strong point, we fumbled on many occasions. Even the Congress party’s completely baseless criticism on the Kandahar episode put the BJP on the backfoot. On the whole, we did not dictate the agenda for Elections 2009. As a result, the media as well as a large number of uncommitted voters concluded that this was an ‘issue-less’ election.

LEADERSHIP IN DISARRAY

My last point in the analysis of the 2009 elections concerns the state of the BJP organization. Never in the history of the Jana Sangh or the BJP was the party enfeebled by so much disarray at the top. The disorder at the Centre and also in several states (examples: Rajasthan, UP and Delhi) demoralised the disunited party workers down the line, with disastrous results. Although Advani was projected as the party’s prime ministerial candidate, this took place after he had been dis-empowered after the Mohammad Ali Jinnah episode. The cropping up of Narendra Modi’s name in the middle of the campaign did not help at all. To the people of India, the contrast was obvious: there is unified command in the Congress party, but not in the BJP.

Look at the irony. Sonia Gandhi and her son Rahul made an essentially weak Prime Minister like Dr Manmohan Singh look strong by backing him solidly. In contrast, the BJP and the Sangh Parivar made a strong leader like Advani, whose contribution to the growth of the party is enormous, look weak, helpless and not fully in command. Saddened by this, many dedicated party workers bemoaned, “Atalji succeeded in becoming Prime Minister because he had Advaniji working for him faithfully and determinedly. Unfortunately this time, there was no Advaniji working similarly for Advaniji.” Of course, it is also true that Advani himself failed to assert his leadership at crucial points before and during the campaign.

ROAD AHEAD

Where does the BJP go from here? The answer depends on how honest and widespread the introspection about the past and the future is within the BJP, and how thorough the corrective action in the near future will be. For this to happen, the party should encourage free debate, based on constructive criticism and self-criticism. But let it be understood both by the BJP’s supporters and adversaries the outcome of Elections 2009 is by no means a catastrophe for the party. True, our strength in the Lok Sabha came down from 182 in 1999 to 138 in 2004, and has further come down to 116 in 2009. But in defeat we should not lose a sense of balance and perspective. After all, in 1998, the Congress was reduced to a tally of only 110 in the Lok Sabha. Yet, six years later it bounced back. So can the BJP. Today the BJP is not only the main opposition party in the 15th Lok Sabha but, in some ways, the sole opposition party because the Left parties have been completely marginalized. What this means is that, whereas there is need for honest introspection, there is no need for despair at all.

Advaniji worked hard for Vajpayeeji but there was no Advaniji working for Advaniji’

This is not to belittle the fact that difficult days are ahead for the BJP, at least in the short term. The Congress seems to be on the revival path in UP and Bihar. The support for the BJP is declining in its two strongholds — Madhya Pradesh and Gujarat. In Rajasthan and Delhi, the BJP has again scored self-goals. In Karnataka, in spite of the good showing in the recent Lok Sabha elections, the BJP and its government face many problems that demand immediate attention. As far as leadership is concerned, the party needs to address the challenges in the post-Advani era, while recognizing that it needs the guiding hand of karmayogiAdvani — who embodies the best of the BJP — for as long as he can be active in public life. His message of ‘Good Governance, Development and Security’ has relevance for the BJP in the future too. However, the party has to infuse positive and inspiring content into this message, and the content has to become more visible in states where the BJP is in power. One of the most important learnings from the NDA government, as well as from the governments of Narendra Modi, Shivraj Singh Chauhan, Raman Singh and Nitish Kumar, is that inclusive development should become as important an element of the ideology for a Nation First party like the BJP as, for example, Hindutva.

Here is a sensitive question that the BJP cannot shirk. Issues relating to the right relationship between the BJP and the RSS also need to be candidly debated for mutual good. The RSS is indeed a nationalist organization, and there are many valid reasons why India needs a non-communal pro- Hindu organization committed to the ideal of Hindu unity and renaissance. However, just as the BJP needs introspection, the RSS needs it no less. Its leaders must ask themselves, and answer the question honestly and earnestly, “Why is the acceptability of the RSS and the Vishwa Hindu Parishad limited in Hindu society itself?” No less important is the challenge of re-orienting the party’s thinking and action on issues relating to the suffering of the poor and the downtrodden, and the severe regional and social imbalances in India’s development.

The BJP can indeed bounce back. But it can do so only if it first renews and empowers itself comprehensively — in its ideology, its geographical-social spread, its own political strength, its mass activity, its alliance-building, its cadre-based organizational network, and its leadership.


Kulkarni was a key aide to former Prime Minister Atal Behari Vajpayee and
a member of the BJP’s Election Strategy Group, 2009

WRITER’S EMAIL
sudheenkulkarni@gmail.com

From Tehelka Magazine, Vol 6, Issue 23, Dated Jun 13, 2009


Posted by: RR | 8 June 2009

Racism – Where is it?

http://blogs.timesofindia.indiatimes.com/jugglebandhi/entry/we_re_even_more_racist

We’re even more racist than Aussies Jug Suraiya Monday June 08, 2009

The attacks on Indians in Australia have once again raised the ugly head of racism. Once again India is caught up in the midst of a racist storm. A while ago, the Big Brother controversy launched Shilpa Shetty as an international anti-racism icon from India. This is entirely appropriate as Indians are arguably the biggest targets of racism in the world. And they are targeted not just by unlettered British yobs or Australian thugs but, first and foremost, by their own compatriots. It’s because we are so racist ourselves that we are so quick to react to a racist slur: it takes a racist to catch a racist. And our racism is colour-coded in black-and-white terms: white is intrinsically superior and desirable; black is inferior and undesirable.

In the Indian colour scheme of things, black is far from beautiful. The colloquial word for a black person of African origin is ‘habshi’, an epithet as offensive as the American ‘nigger’, both terms derived from the days of the slave trade.

For all India’s official championing of the anti-apartheid crusade in South Africa’s erstwhile white regime, north India at least is steeped in colour prejudice – ask any African student who’s had a taste of Delhi’s campus life. For the north Indian, fair is lovely, as those abominably tasteless TV commercials keep proclaiming: Don’t get sunburnt, use skin whitening creams, or you’ll end up dark and no one will marry you. (When did you last see a matrimonial ad seeking an ‘attractive, dark-complexioned life partner’?)

Why is dark literally beyond the pale for so many of us? Is it an atavistic throwback to the supposed superiority of ‘white’ Aryans vis-a-vis the ‘non-white’ original inhabitants of the subcontinent? Is it the result of 250 years of white rule under the British? Is a pale skin, as against a deep tan, a testimonial to social rank, segregating those who don’t have to toil under the sun from those who do? Is it an amalgam of all these?

Whatever the reason, ‘chitti chamri’ (fair skin) is a passport to fawning social acceptance — which might partly explain why an increasing number of Caucasians look for assignments in India, be it as MNC executives or bartenders in 5-star hotels.

Our racism is largely, but not exclusively, based on colour. Caste is India’s unique contribution to the lexicon of racial bigotry. Whether ‘caste’ – a result of cultural and social segmentation – can legitimately be conflated with ‘race’ – with its genetic and physiological underpinnings – is a matter of academic debate. However, as only too many horror stories testify, the average rural Dalit fares worse on the human-rights scale than her ‘kafir’ counterpart in the worst days of South African apartheid.

Caste apart, real or imagined ethnic traits compound our racism. People from the north-east are said to have ‘Chinky’ (Chinese) eyes and are routinely asked if they eat dogs. Even in so-called ‘mainstream’ India we sub-divide ourselves with pejoratives: ‘Panjus’, whose only culture is agriculture; stingy ‘Marrus’; mercenary ‘Gujjus’ who eat ‘heavy snakes’ for tea; lazy, shiftless ‘Bongs’; ‘Madrasis’, who all live south of the Vindhyas and speak a funny ‘Illay-po’ language. In our ingrained provincialism is our much-vaunted and illusory unity.

No wonder we can’t stand racism. It reminds us disquietingly of the face we see in our own mirror.

Posted by: RR | 7 June 2009

Trouble in Kandhamal – Orissa

Source: CSF: Flames in Kandhamal again – Hindutvawadis burn three Christian homes in Kandhamal. The victims identified the ring leaders, but the police have advised them against naming them. The attack took place on the very day the paramilitary forces sent to protect Christians, began withdrawing from the state. The withdrawal coincides with the closure of the refugee camps and the Orissa government’s appeal to the Christians, to prepare for their return to their home villages.

On June 5th the district administration in Kandhamal organised a peace meeting between the Christians in the camps and the communities of their local villages. Fr. Bijay Pradhan, parish priest in Raikia, sees in the burning as aimed at stopping from Christians returning to their villages. According to Fr.Ajay Kumar Singh, Director of Jan Vikas, the Church’s social action Initiative, the gang was led by Dilu Mohanty, who is behind attacks against Christians in Raikia and G.Udayagiri. The victims identified him in First Information Report. ”But the police asked them to change their report, omitting the extremist gang leader’s name, Fr. Ajay said.

Posted by: RR | 7 June 2009

Fr Maxim Misquith Installed P.P.

7 June. Fr Maxim Misquith was today installed the Parish Priest of Stella Maris parish, Kalmady.

Fr Maxim signs the registers to officially take over the reigns of the parish

Fr Maxim signs the registers to officially take over the reigns of the parish

Fr Misquith has taken over the reigns of the parish from Fr Richard Mascarenhas, who is now transferred to Mundgod (social work centre).

It was a colourful and moving function to welcome the new

A hearty welcome, greets Mr Lobo the vice president of pastoral council, as the new parish priest enters the church campus. Along with him is seen Fr Jossy Rodrigues SJ, the Rector of SAC

A hearty welcome, greets Mr Lobo the vice president of pastoral council, as the new parish priest enters the church campus. Along with him is seen Fr Jossy Rodrigues SJ, the Rector of SAC

parish priest. A large crowd has gathered at the church in spite of the heavy rain lashing this part of Mangalore.

Present among the dignitaries were Fr Richard Mascarenhas SJ,

Thank you very much ... before I leave, here is my successor, tells Fr Richard Mascarenhas

Thank you very much ... before I leave, here is my successor, tells Fr Richard Mascarenhas

the outgoing parish priest to handover the charge, Fr Mathew Vas, the Vicar-war of Udupi, representing the Bishop,

Fr Jossy Rodrigues SJ – Rector of the St Aloyosius College

He is our man, you will be happy .. assures Fr Joseph Rodrigues, speaking at the end of the ceremony

He is our man, you will be happy .. assures Fr Joseph Rodrigues, speaking at the end of the ceremony

Community, Fr Ronnie Prabhu SJ (Episcopal vicar for

The keys to the hearts of the faithful, Fr Mathew Vas, Bishop's representative, hands over the keys of the parish to the new parish priest

The keys to the hearts of the faithful, Fr Mathew Vas, Bishop's representative, hands over the keys of the parish to the new parish priest

Religious), and a number of Jesuits from Mangalore.

"This little shining light of mine, I am going to let it shine,..." Spreading love, light, peace, happiness... the carriers of the Good News... the Faithful receive the light from their little shepherd's light to spread it everywhere

"This little shining light of mine, I am going to let it shine,..." Spreading love, light, peace, happiness... the carriers of the Good News... the Faithful receive the light from their little shepherd's light to spread it everywhere

Those who were honoured by the parish

Those who were honoured by the parish

Posted by: RR | 6 June 2009

College Reopening for 2009

7 June. On Monday, St Aloysius College will start its regular activities. There is planned a four day training session for the new and junior staff member, under the guidance of Fr Francis Almeida SJ, our Campus Minister.

On 12 June, the first year (F.Y.) students will be introduced to the College, its activities, to its life and academics. Their classes begin on 12 June, in the morning hours.

The II & III  (S.Y. & T.Y.) students will join the new-comers on 15 June for the regular classes.

Posted by: RR | 5 June 2009

Women’s Reservation Bill & Suicide

5 June. Finally what was not possible in the last 12 years, is about to be acutalised under the woman president of the Congress and our statesman Prime Minister Dr Manmohan Singh. Women’s Reservation Bill guaranteeing 33% reservation to women in political representation (like State Assemblies & Parliament). And with the UPA government getting a (sort of ) decisive mandate to govern the country, it will not be difficult.

Wait, there is still a hurdle. Sharad Yadav of Janata Dal!!! The last time the Yadav trio of Laloo Prasad Yadav, Mulayam Singh Yadav, and Sharad Yadav (along with Ram Vilas Paswan) had successfully blocked the bill. And the UPA government was heavily dependant on them for support. This time around, UPA does not need them; yet they have not learnt their lessons in stopping mean & selfish politics! specially this Sharad Yadav.

He threatens to commit suicide by consuming poison in the parliament! Now this is said by school children to blackmail their parents. Here we have a politician representing over a million voters and the country, and indulging into cheap blackmail threats! Has he consulted his constituency to oppose this all important bill.

By the way, Mr Yadav, the Billis to guarantee only 33% reservation to women in Assemblies and Parliament, and 50% (as should have been! You remember, women constitute 50% of the human race?)

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